Skip to main content

Full text of "Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland"

See other formats

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2014 

3 1833 03582 2342 

Gc 941 .5 R81 2 j 1 920 

Journal of the Royal Society 
of Antiquaries of Ireland 













Allen County Public Library 
900 Webster Street 
PO Box 2270 

Fort Wayne, IN 46801-2270 

The Council wish it to be distinctly understood that they do 
not- hold themselves responsible for the statements and opinions 
contained in the Papers read at the Meetings of the Society, and 
here printed, except so far as No. 26 of the General Rules of the 
Society extends. 


The Journal of the Society for 1920, which is still 
restricted to two numbers for the reasons stated in the 
Preface to the Journal for 1919, will be found to con- 
tain several papers of great interest, covering a wide 
field of inquiry. 

Under the head of Archaeology, Mr. T. J.j Westropp 
has communicated portion of his investigations into the 
Promontory Forts of the District of Beare and Bantry, 
Co. Cork. The portion in this volume is prefatory and 
gives the traditions and chief topographical sources 
relating to Beare, and suggestions are made as to the 
various sources of early tribal pedigrees. Mr. P. J. 
Lynch, in his Topographical Notes on the Barony of 
Coshlea, Co. Limerick, has brought much learning to 
bear on the location of various places of legendary 
interest in the barony, including Lackelly, the Lake 
District, Cenn Abrat, Claire and Tara Luachra., 

Those of our members who are interested in the 
Ecclesiastical side of the Society, will find that their 
interests have been well looked after. In a paper on 
Monaincha, Co. Tipperary, Mr. Chas. McNeill gives 
us an historical account of the monastery, while Mr. 
Harold Leask contributes Architectural Notes on the 
ruined church, and has illustrated his paper with 
excellent drawings. The Eev. Dom Louis Gougaud, 
o.s.b., in a paper on the Earliest Irish Kepresentations 
of the Crucifixion, shows the peculiarities of concep- 
tion and technique that characterise the treatment of 
this subject by the Irish; while Mr. Armstrong and 
Professor Macalister present us with a most interest- 




ing account of a Wooden Psalm Book, with Leaves In- 
dented and Waxed, found near Springmount Bog, Co. 

On the historical side, the President has contributed, 
in his inaugural address, an important paper on the 
State of Agriculture and the Standard of Living in 
Ireland in the years 1240-1350. The economic side of 
Irish history is a field which is greatly in need of being 
worked, and Mr. McEnery's paper throws considerable 
light on the conditions of living in the thirteenth and 
fourteenth centuries. Mr. Orpen continues his study 
of the Earldom of Ulster, dealing in this number with 
Le Wastyn (Castletown Kindalen), Co. Westmeath, 
and the Rev. St. John Seymour shews that there were 
two men bearing the name of Faithful Teate in the 
seventeenth century. 

Mr. W. G. Strickland contributes some Notes on the 
Book of Common Prayer recently presented to the 
Society, and Dr. Drury presents us with a Catalogue 
of the later 19th Century Farthing Tokens. 

The Miscellanea contain subjects which are worthy 
of being brought before the notice of members of the 
Society, but which are not of so great importance as ; 
to justify their being made the subject of a paper to 
be read before the Society. Members are earnestly 
urged to communicate any matters of archaeological 
interest, which they may meet with in their district, 
to the Hon. Gen. Secretary, and if deemed of sufficient 
importance, they will be published in the Journal. 

The Society is again indebted to Mr. T. J. Westropp 
for his kindness in making the Index. 



Address on the State of Agriculture 
and the Standard of Living in the 
Years 1240-1350, by M. J. 
McEnery, m.r.t.a., President 

Monaincha, Co. Tipperary, by C. 
McNeill, Hon. Gen. Sec, and 
H. G. Leask, Fellow .... 

Notes on the Book of Common 
Prayer, traditionally said to have 
belonged to the Irish House of 
Commons, presented to the R. S. 
A. I. by Lord Raglan in March, 
1919. By W. G. Strickland, 





Faithful Teate, by St. John D. 
Seymour, b.d 39-45 

The later XIX Century Farthing 
Tokens of Ireland, by Henry C. 
Drury, m.d., Member . . - 46-60 

Topographical Notes on the Barony 
of Coshlea, Co. Limerick, includ- 
ing Lackelly, The Lake District, 
Cenn Abrat, Claire, Tara Luachra, 
&c , by P. J. Lynch, m.r.i.a., 
Vice-President 99-127 

The Earliest Irish Representations 
of the Crucifixion, by The Rev. 
Dom Louis Gougaud, o.s.b. . . 128-139 

The Promontory Forts and Tradi- 
tions of the District of Beare 
and Bantry, Co. Cork (part 1), 
by T. J. Westropp, m.a., Past- 
President . . 140-159 

Wooden Book with Leaves Indented 
and Waxed, found near Spring- 
mount Bog, Co. Antrim, by E. 
0. R. Armstrong, f.s.a., Vice- 
President, and Prof. R. A. S. 
Macalister, litt.d., Fellow 

The Earldom of Ulster (cont.), by 
Goddard H. Orpen, m.r.t.a., 
Fellow . . . . . . 

Interesting Find near Tulsk 
Note on Old Mantel-piece at Ballin- 
guile, Donny brook, by H. Bantry 






Straw Head-dresses, by Head Con- 
stable Lyons 61-3 

Rathbawn Souterrain, by P. 

O'Connell, 63-4 

Nevinstown Cross near Navan, by 

H. S. Crawford 64-5 

The Cross-Slab at Knockane, Co. 

Kerry, by H. S. Crawford . . 65-6 
Two Carvings at Athenry Abbey, 

by H. S. Crawford .... 66-7 
An Eighteenth Century Tombstone 

in Claregalway Abbey, by H. S. 

Crawford 67-8 

Catalogue of Tavern Tokens, 

Supplement to, by E. J. French 68 

Monasternenagh or Nenay de Magio, 

Co. Limerick, by J. Grene Barry 178-9 

Seal of the Town of Navan, Co. 

Meath, by E. C. R. Armstrong . 179 

A Crannog in Cork, by Rev. P. 

Power 179-181 

An Ancient Bronze Crucifix, by 

Rev. P. Power # . . . . 181 

" Finds " near Newmarket, Co. 

Clare, by T. J. Westropp . . 181-2 

Memento Mori Seal, by H. S. 

Crawford 182 

Ancient Church bites and Grave- 
yards in Co. Fermanagh (Corri- 
genda et Addenda), by Lady 
Dorothy Lowry-Corry ... 183 

An Irish Peer on the Continent, by 

T. U. Sadleir 69-70 

Catalogue of Irish Gold Ornaments 

in the Collection of the Royal 

Irish Academy, by E. C. R. 

Armstrong, f.s.a 184 

Two Centuries of Life in Down, 

1600-1800, by J. Stevenson . . 185 

Proceedings .... 71-96, 186-188 

Report of Council 80-93 

Publications received in 1919 . 91-93 
Accounts 97 



plate Facing 


Frontispiece. Thomas J. 
Westropp, M.A., M.R.I.A., 
President, 1916-20 
I. Monaincha, Co. Tipperary 19 

II. Mantel-piece, Ballinguile, 

Donnybrook 61 

III. Nevinstown Wayside Cross, Co, 

Meath 64 

IV. Map showing Barony of Coshlea 

and District, Co. Limerick . 99 

V. Lackelly, and Benches at Stone 

Circle, Slievereagh . . . 102 

VI. Cairn Riabhach, and Dolmen 

on Duntryleague (Claire) . 115 

VII. The Crucifixion from the St. 
Gall Gospels and the South- 
ampton Psalter ..... 128 

plate Facing 


VIII. The Crucifixion from the Dur- 
ham Gospels and the Wurz 

burg Epistles 130 

IX. The Crucifixion as carved on 

Irish Crosses 132 

X. The Crucifixion as carved on 

Irish Crosses and Slabs . . 134 

XL Bronze Plaque found at Ath- 
lone, and Crucifixion on a 

Bronze Plate 136 

XII. Map of the Promontory Forts 

of Beare and Bantry . . 141 

XIII. The Faunkill Osdiani Stone, 

Beare ....... 151 

XIV. Wooden Book found in Co. 

Antrim 160 

XV. Wooden Book found in Co. 

Antrim 163 

XVI. An Ancient Bronze Crucifix . 181 



The Cross-Slab at Knockane, Co. 



Co. Tipperary, 

Fig. 1. 


Kerry ; the Sacred Monogram . . 


Fig. 2. 

Western Doorway . 


Athenry Abbey. Rubbings of two 

Fig. 3. 




Fig. 4. 

Nave Details . 


Claregal way Abbey. Design on a Tomb- 

Fig. 5. 

13th Century Caps 



Fig. 6. 

South and West Windows, 

Clare^alway Abbey. Inscription on 

Fig. 7. 

Chancel Arch .... 



Fig. 8. 

Arch Voussoirs 


Slievereagh, Plan of Stone Circles. . 


Fig. 9. 

Second Arch Ring, Patterns 


Duntryleague Cromleac, Plan of . . 


Fig. 10. 

Chancel Details 


Seal of the Town of Navan, Co. Meath 


Nevinstown Cross near Navan, Gothic 




Memento Mori Seal ...... 





Series VI, Vol. X 

Vol. L 

Part I 


20 Tune 1020 ftrT 

3 J y OCT 19 1999 

CONTENTS Allen County Public Library 


Michael J. McEnery, m.r.i.a., President — Address on the State of 
Agriculture and the Standard of Living in Ireland in the Years 

1240-1350 \ \J ; * f. . . . y 1 

C. McNeill, Hon. Gen. -Sec, and H. G. Lease — Monaincha, Co. 

Tipperary — (Illustrated) . , .... 19 

W. G. Strickland, Fellow — Notes on the Book of Common Prayer, 
traditionally said to have belonged to the Irish House of Com- 
mons, presented to the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 
by Lord Raglan in March, 1919 . ;. . . 36 

St. John D. Seymour, b.d. — Faithful To ate ... . . 39 

Henry C. Drury, m.d., Member — The later XIX. Century Farthing 

Tokens of Ireland .. . . . . |. . . . 46 

Miscellanea (Illustrated) ........ 61 

Notice of Book . . . . . . . . . . ' . 69 

Proceedings . . j . . ;v ^ . - .. - . • . . 1. :7T.1X J • 71 

Statement of Accounts for the Year ending 31 December, 1919 . 97 




All Rights Reserved] [Price 6s. net. 





(Formerly the Kilkenny Archaeological Association, and the Royal Historical 
and Archaeological Association of Ireland) 

List of the Volumes, showing the relation between the Consecutive 
Numbers and the Numbers of each of the Six Series ; also the Years for 
which each Volume Was issued 

Consecutive Numbek , 

Number of Seetes 




1 Q/i O 


1 OKA 1 on 1 

looU, loo J. 












2nd. berics, 


1 OCT 








,, . 




1 V . 






V . 


J ©bo, loot). 



1 CAT 









4th A Seriea, 


1 871. 



1 070 








1 V . 

,, ... 


18/7, 18/8. 


V . 


1880, 1881, 1882. 


V" 1 
V 1. 





V 11. 

,, . . . 










1 A. 





i cm n 




otn oenes, 


1 891. 











V . 


















































6th Series, . * . 

















XLV 1 1. 












The Volumes marked (*) are now out of print. Some of the remaining Volumes can be supplied 
to Members at the average rate of 10s. each. Odd Parts of some of the foregoing volumes can 
be supplied. The Quarterly Parts of the Fifth Series can be supplied to Members at 3s. each. 

In order to assist Fellows and Members to obtain back numbers of the Journal, the Council have 
decided to offer the fifteen volumes from 1 870-1 884 at the greatly reduced price of £1 for the set. 










By Michael J. McEnery, M.R.I.A., President, 

History, especially Irish history, has always been a fascinating 
subject in this country. There are many good histories dealing 
with families or tribes, parishes, counties or dioceses, and various 
subjects sacred or profane, but a good, general history of Ireland 
has not yet been written. To accomplish this requires more than 
t one author, no matter how able, as there is a great wealth of 
material, mostly unexplored : various historical sections must be 
investigated by several persons, and by bringing the results into 
one harmonious whole a good, general history of Ireland will be 

The Public Records of England and Ireland, Monastic and 
Municipal Registers, Diocesan Records, annals and other ancient 
iiistories, and important private collections are treasure stores 
,of materials for this history. 

The section of agriculture is specially important. The present 
^address will deal with agriculture in Ireland for the period 
1240-1350, according to entries in the Patent Rolls, Close Rolls, 
.and other Records in England; the Memorandum Rolls and 
Pipe Rolls of the Exchequer in Ireland; and an Account Roll, 


1337-46, of the Priory of Holy Trinity, Dublin, now deposited in 
the Public Record Office, Dublin. 

This period commences about seventy years after the Anglo- 
Norman Conquest, when the feudal system had taken root, and 
a considerable portion of the country was run on English lines. 
The Anglo-Norman settlers, in obedience to English laws, customs 
and manners, did not differ appreciably from their compatriots 
in England, and apparently the great Celtic rulers and chiefs 
acquiesced in the rule of the English King. Both were summoned 
to his standard for his expedition against Scotland in 1244, and 
both obeyed the summons quite willingly. 

The year 1240, therefore, would appear to commence a natural 
era in Irish history. 

During the period 1240-1350 the English Kings were constantly 
at war with Wales, Scotland or France. The policy of these 
Kings was to reduce the whole of the British Isles under their 
rule, to retain Gascony, the remnant of the French dominions, on 
the death of John, and possibly to recover the French dominions 
lost after the reign of Richard I. 

During this period they drew on Ireland largely for men, money 
and food for their armies, and particulars of these can be con- 
veniently found in the Records that are extant. This is par- 
ticularly fortunate from the light they throw on the condition of 
agriculture and the standard of living then existing. 

Many persons are under the impression that Ireland has always 
been a poor and backward country, that its agricultural methods 
have been rude and primitive, and that the standard of living 
there has been inferior to that of richer and more powerful 
nations. The Records tell a different tale : the fertility of the 
country has always been remarkable, food of a good quality, and 
luxuries, too, have been there in abundance, and there has been 
much to spare for the predominant partner in times of necessity 
and urgency. 

The condition of agriculture in these islands in 1240 was very 
primitive. Root crops were practically unknown, but wheat, 
oats, barley and rye, as well as beans, peas, onions, &c, were 
grown extensively. The rotation of crops was on a two year or 
a three year system, as the land lay fallow on the second or third 
year: the land was enriched with artificial manure. 

Cows, sheep and fowl were plentiful, and at the fairs and markets 
of Ireland might be purchased salmon, herrings, eels, oysters, 
lampreys, stock-fish, almonds, figs, raisins, ginger, spices ancj 

The supply of wine from Poitou was very considerable; and 


wine also came from other places in the Continent, including 
the Rhineland. 

Under such circumstances it may easily be understood that the 
standard of living in Ireland could favourably compare with that 
of other countries. 

It may be said that the trade of Ireland with the Continent waa 
very considerable, but this must be left for another day. The 
story of the exports of food, for the army must now be unfolded : 
we shall speak of wheat, oats, barley, malt of wheat, malt of oats, 
flour, oatmeal, cows, pigs, herrings, stock-fish, peas, beans, 
onions, wine imported from abroad, and honey; and here and 
there it will be necessary to make short digressions into English 
history, so as to furnish an intelligible and connected story. 

The Anglo-Norman Kings claimed to be lords-paramount over 
Scotland, and the trouble arising from this claim was frequent 
and serious. It was constantly asserted and as constantly 
resisted, actively or passively. 

In 1242 Bysset, a Norman chief, quarrelled with the retainers 
of the Lord of Athole, fled to the Court of Henry III, and ap- 
pealed to him against the King' of Scotland. Henry prepared for 
war in 1244. 

On 11 June, 1244, he commanded 1 the Mayor of Dublin to 
purchase for his expedition to Scotland 500 crannocs 2 of wheat, 
to be delivered to the Justiciar, and the cost to be allowed in the 
farm of the city; and he was to seize in his port all ships and 
boats capable of carrying 40 men, and to send them to Carling- 
ford by 8 August, to transport the King's army of Ireland, where 
the Justiciar should lead it. This letter is dated at St. Albans, 
and similar letters were sent to the bailiffs of Cork for 200 cran- 
nocs of wheat, the bailiffs of Waterford for 500 crannocs, and the 
bailiffs and provosts of Drogheda for 300 crannocs of wheat and 
300 crannocs of dry oatmeal. 

He also granted to the earls, barons and commonalty that if the 
service to which they were summoned was to be rendered outside 
Ireland it would not be turned into a precedent; and he notified 
that the service of joining his expedition against the King of 
Scots by his nobles and others was rendered of their free will. 

The seneschal of Meath on 13th June was ordered to cause, 
inter alia, 500 crannocs of wheat and 500 crannocs of dry oats to 
be retained, at the fair of Trim, and sent to Drogheda by 8 August, 

1 Abstracts of this and the other mandates subsequently referred to 
are to be found in the Calendar of Documents Relating to Ireland, by 

2 See note on Measures, &c, in Ireland, page 14. 


to be delivered to the Justiciar as supplies for the King's expedi- 

Donald, King of Tiroonnell, Brian O'Neill, King of Tirowen, 
O'Brien of Thomond. McCarthy of Desmond, and various other 
Celtic chiefs and Anglo-Norman barons were summoned to this 
expedition, but on 7 July the King, having made peace with the 
King of Scotland, thanked them for the services they were pre- 
pared to render, and gave them permission to return home. 

Henry III made an expedition next year, lasting about ten 
weeks, in order to fortify the castle of Gannoc, otherwise 
Dyganwy, near Conway, North Wales. Llewelyn ap Jorwerth 
made an acknowledgment of English supremacy a few years before, 
in his extreme old age, when broken down by domestic trouble, 
but his son and successor, Prince David, was not compliant, and 
roused the King's wrath. He came to fortify this castle, which 
was to serve as a stepping-stone to the reduction of Snowdon, as 
North Wales was called. 

On 29 August, 1245, from his camp at Gannok, he informed 
the men of Dublin that he was fortifying the castle there, and 
that nothing prevented him from being successful but scarcity of 
provisions, which affected him and a great part of the army. He 
commanded them to send all the provisions they could collect in 
the city or district, and also the merchants to whom they belonged, 
to whom good payment would be made. 

Similar letters were sent to the men of Waterford, Drogheda, 
Limerick, Cork and Carrickfergus. 

The Justiciar was ordered to expend 500 marks in purchasing 
corn and flour, and to send it in one or two ships to. the King's 
army as soon as possible ; and to cause wine and provision mer- 
chants from the cities and towns of Ireland to come to the army 
with their provisions for which they would be well paid. 

The Justiciar came to his aid, first in Anglesey and afterwards 
at Gannoc, for by writ dated 21 October the King ordered his 
Treasurer and chamberlains at Dublin to cause 3,000 soldiers, 
who came from Ireland with the Justiciar to the King's service 
at Gannoc, to have their pay at 2d. a day for 10 days, ending 
29 October. Fethel' (Feidhlim), King of Connaught, accompanied 
the Justiciar on this occasion. 

The King left Gannoc on 27 October, after a stay of about ten 
weeks, The war had been waged with implacable fury, 3 and the 
whole country was wasted from Gannoc almost to Chester and 
along the marches of Cheshire and Shropshire, lest the Welsh 

3 See note on letter concerning Gannoc campaign, page 15. 



should be able to get any provisions. They were also cut off 
from supplies by sea: as a result, there was a severe famine in 
North Wales, and there was great difficulty in finding and sending 
supplies to the English castles there. 

On 17 November the King ordered payment to be made out 
of his Irish treasure for cloth, hides, iron, salt, wines, com, hogs, 
and other provisions cent to him at Gannoc. 

The King intended to renew the Welsh campaign in 1246, and 
supplying the border castles was a work of urgency. 

On 17 January, 1246, he ordered the Justiciar of Ireland to pur- 
chase for his use 300 tuns of wine, 3,000 quarters of wheat, 2,000 
quarters of oats, 2,000 hogs, and 5,000 quarters of lime. 

On 23 April he ordered his treasurer, the Bishop of Ossory, to 
send him a like amount, as the bishop had notified to him that there 
was a larger supply of wine and corn in Leinster than elsewhere 
in Ireland; and he directed him to use all his diligence in obtain^ 
ing wine and corn for the use of the army which the King was 
about to lead into Wales. 

On 2 May he repeated his orders to the Justiciar and treasurer ; 
and as corn, wine and other supplies were dearer in Ireland than 
he exj>ected, he caused his castles of Dissard and Gannoc to be 
supplied with 100 quarters of wheat in addition to 200 quarters 
already purchased. Evidently these 300 quarters were procured 
in England. 

Llewelyn ap Gryffyd became Prince of North Wales this year, 
and soon grew so powerful as to be practically independent . 
Partly by his energy and ability, and partly by his alliances with 
English disaffected barons, his country was saved from invasion 
during the remainder of this reign. For some years, therefore, 
supplies sent to the English armies or castles on the Welsh border 
are practically nil. 

The next occasion for sending provisions to the English armies 
arose from the war in Gascony. 

When the English territories in France were lost, at the end 
of the reign of King John, a part of Old Aquitaine, which included 
Gascony, would not admit: the French King, partly through lcve 
for their old Duchess, Queen Eleanor, and partly because the 
English were such good customers for their wine. Henry made 
a futile attempt in 1229 to recover the lost provinces : he plunged 
again into a French war in aid of his stepfather, Hugh de 
Lusignan, Count de la Marche, in 1242, but, defeated at Taille- 
bourg, he lost all Aquitaine except the part south of the Garonne. 

Simon de Montfort was sent there as governor in 1248, and by 
stern government he restored some semblance of order. He was 


deprived of his government owing to charges of violence and 
oppression preferred against him by the disorderly Gascon barons. 
The country continued very disorderly, and as it appeared to be 
threatened by France on the one side and Castile on the other, 
the King determined to make an expedition there in 1253. 

On 23 May, 1253, he announced to the Justiciar of Ireland his 
intention to go to Gascony, and commanded him to cause the 
castle of Bristol to be safely kept during his absence ; and to send 
him to Bordeaux 1,000 hogs, 500 quarters of wheat, and 500 
quarters of oats ; and two days afterwards he commanded him to 
summon the magnates and knights with horses and arms to em- 
bark for Bordeaux, about the octaves of Holy Trinity : also to 
procure competent aids from those who could not come, including 
archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, towns, &c, the money to 
be ready by 15 August. 

The King appears to have left England about 6 August, 1253, 
and to have remained in France until the end of 1254. During 
that time the government of England, Wales and Ireland was 
committed to Queen Alienor, subject to the counsel of Richard 
Earl of Cornwall, the King's brother, and various instruments in 
name of the King were issued by them. 

On 27 December, 1253, the Justiciar was informed that the 
King of Castile with a large army of Christians and Saracens 
w 7 as about to enter Gascony, intending thence to invade England 
and Ireland, that the King entreated him to embark from Water- 
ford so as to reach him at Gascony in the octaves of Easter with 
horses, arms and a strong force ; that he would always be grateful to 
those who assisted him in encountering this urgent pressure, and 
that he would lose confidence in those who abandoned him. He was 
ordered on 8 January, 1254, to seize all ships in Ireland capable 
of carrying 16 horses and more, to take security for their being 
at Waterford by mid-Lent, prepared to sail to Gascony with the 
Irish barons, knights and others, their horses, equipments and 
provisions; to provide the ships with fittings and appliances, in- 
cluding 80 bridges, and to send 2,000 hogs and 2,000 quarters of 
wheat to Gascony : the entire cost to be defrayed out of the King's 
treasure in Ireland. A pressing request for men and money to 
defend the country against the King of Castile was made on 
17 February, and on 11 April the Justiciar was ordered to send 
to Gascony all the wheat, hogs and cows held for the King's use 
in Ireland. 

This much-dreaded invasion never came off, the King of Castile 
was propitiated, and a marriage was arranged between his 
daughter, the Princess Alienor, and Prince Edward, who was then 
15 years old. 


The King returned to England by the end of the year, but 
Prince Edward remained after him in Gascony; and on 1 June, 
1255, from Bordeaux, as Lord of Ireland, he ordered the Bishop 
of Ossory, his treasurer, and Richard de la Rochelle, his seneschal, 
to send to Gascony 2,000 crannocs of dried wheat in vessels, to 
take time to pay for it until the following Michaelmas, to cause 
a granary to be fixed up in the ship bringing the wheat, and to 
send 2,000 boards to make bretasches. 

The King and Prince Edward were at Gannoc part of August 
and September, 1257, evidently contemplating an attack on 
Wales. There was a severe famine in England this year, and a 
great apprehension of danger from Scotland and Wales. The 
King was resolved to attack the Welsh early in the following 
year, and Ireland would be expected to furnish aid, as usual. A 
Parliament was summoned in April, 1258, mainly for the purpose 
of arranging this campaign: the disaffected barons appeared, with 
Gloucester and Leicester at their head, and for the time being 
Wales was saved. * ■ 

The barons forced great constitutional changes on the King, 
the foreign policy of England was greatly altered, the King for- 
mally abandoned all claim to Normandy, Maine, Anjou, Touraine 
and Poitou in 1259, peace put an end to the incursions of the 
Welsh, who were disposed to be friendly to the Lords Marchers, 
and the export of food for the English armies was not considerable 
during the remainder of the reign of Henry III. 

Prince Edward ordered payments to be made for some small 
quantities of corn received to victual his castles of North Wales 
on 2 June, 1260; and on 6 September following he ordered the 
Justiciar and treasurer of Ireland to send 500 crannocs of corn 
and 60 tuns of wine to victual the castles of Wales. 
~ Edward I succeeded his father in 1272, but did not return to 
England until 1274. He summoned Prince Llewelyn to London 
to pay homage, but in vain. After two years of fruitless negocia- 
tion he marched into Wales in 1277 and took him prisoner. He 
was released on very moderate conditions, and treated with great 
courtesy; and was married at the King's Court to Eleanor, a 
daughter of Earl Simon de Montfort, who had -been arrested some 
time before on her way to wed him. One condition was that the 
title of Prince of Wales should cease on his death. The Welsh 
rose again under his brother David, 1282-3. Prince Llewelyn, 
having joined the movement, fell in an obscure skirmish, David 
was captured, and executed for high treason, and Wale* was 
brought completely under English rule. 

It was divided into counties, placed under English law, &c, 


and a chain of strong castles was drawn around the portion likely 
to give trouble. 

Great supplies were sent from Ireland to the Earl Marshal in* 
Wales from September to December, 1282 : they included wheat,- 
oats, onions, cows, hogs, sheep, cheese, salt, beer, and wine. 

Supplies were sent to the armies occasionally there from' 
Michaelmas, 1278, to April, 1284, which cost the sum of 
£1,980 18s. 4d. 

Ten years afterwards the storm of war burst again with fury,- 
and for close on thirty years the response of Ireland to demands 
for food for the English army was very wonderful. 

Margaret, Maid of Norway, died at the Orkneys in 1290. There' 
were several claimants to the throne of Scotland, and in 1291 
Edward, surrounded by the barons of the north, met the Scottish 
barons at Norham Castle to settle the question. He demanded 
that the Scottish nobles should admit his right to the feudal over- 
lordship of Scotland: they did so. He demanded that the' 
claimants, thirteen in number, should submit their claims to 
him: they did so. In November, 1291, the decision was given 
in favour of John Baliol, who was crowned King of Scotland, and 
did homage to Edward for the kingdom. He treated Baliol as 
if he were a mere feudal vassal, and by 1293 both Baliol and the 
Scots were deeply incensed with his treatment. 

Retribution, however, was at hand. Some English and French 
sailors quarrelled, and fought off St. Mahe ; the French King sum- 
moned Edward as his vassal to answer for the acts of his subjects,, 
and, on his refusal, he seized Aquitaine, now known as Guienne.. 

Edward was engaged in crushing a Welsh rising in 1294 : he 
began to prepare an expedition to recover Guienne in 1295, but 
the Scotch, when summoned, refused to accompany him, and 
formed an alliance with France. Edward resolved to reduce 
Scotland before attacking France : he conquered it in 1296. He 
allied himself with the Count of Flanders, another feudal vassal 
of the French King, whom he intended to attack in 1297. He 
made a truce with France in 1298, and a peace in 1303 : the 
feudal chivalry of Philip were badly beaten by the Flemish 
burgher infantry, and he restored Guienne : with Scotland the 
war continued for many years. 

From 1294 to 1307 great quantities of provisions were sent to 
the armies from time to time as follows : — 

On 29 June, 1294, a military summons was issued to several 
Irish barons to be at London by 1 September, with horses and 
arms, to cross over to Gascony with the King; and on 12 March, 
1295, the King commanded his Treasurer of Ireland, as he desired 


the honour of the King and the preservation of Gascony and its 
army, to provide from merchants and others in the country about 
Cork and Youghal, the ports nearest to Gascony and furthest 
from the King, as quickly as possible, ten or twelve or more ship- 
loads of good wheat and oats, and to send them to that army 
to Bayonne, Ryons, Bourg-sur-Mer, &c. ; and to send such 
victuals as he could to the King in Wales from the next places 
in Ireland. This mandate was dated at Aberconway. 

The King and his army in Wales, having sufficient provisions 
soon after, he ordered the Treasurer to send no further supplies 
from Ireland except hay and beer, but to send all the wheat anct 
oats he could to Gascony, where there was much need. This ; 
mandate was dated on 30 March, 1295, at Aberconway. 

A memorandum was issued on 16 September stating that the' 
ship ' ' Holy Cross ' ' of Ross was laden with 200 quarters of wheat 
(100 containing 5 score quarters by strike measure of London) 
and with 200 quarters of oats", to be safely carried to Gascony, as 
the King had commanded the Treasurer of Ireland. 

A similar memorandum was issued on 16 July, 1296, stating 
that the ship " St. Mary " of Rosponte 1 was laden with 67 
quarters of wheat (including 10 quarters, measure as aforesaid), 156 
quarters of oats, and 40 quarters of beans, to be carried to 
Gascon}' as before ; and on the 18th a like memorandum concern- 
ing 168 quarters of wheat (like London measure), 90 quarters of 
oats and 66 quarters of beans placed in the ship " The Snake 
of Rosponte, to be conveyed to Gascony for the King's army. 

On 9 August the King, who was then at Perth, commanded the 
Treasurer to provide as great a store of wheat as possible in Ire- 
land, whether obtainable in Ireland or without it, and to send it 
to Gascony. The ships were to sail separately or in greater 
numbers, and the masters were to be sworn to keep to the open 
sea without approaching the coast of France or Brittany. The 
King was to be apprised of the departure of ships from Ireland 
and the quantity of wheat they carried. And on 7 September, 
from Berwick-on-Tweed, he thanked him for the arrival of two 
ships sent to Gascony with wheat, oats, and beans, and urged 
him to provide from the diocese of Dublin as well as- elsewhere, 
as large a store as possible of wheat, oats, and beans, and to send 
them in ships to Gascony as quickly as possible by twos, threes r 
or more at the time, and not to spare money for this purpose. 
: In the account of the Treasurer of Ireland at the end of 1296 

4 This ship was afterwards discharged at Plymouth as being unsea- 


there is a very full account of supplies shipped from Ireland to 
provision the castles of Harlech, Criccieth, Carnarvon, Beau- 
maris, and Aberconway. Immense quantities of wheat, oats, 
malt of wheat, malt of oats, &c, were sent. This gives name of 
ship, cargo and port in Ireland from which it sailed. The grain 
consisted of 452 quarters of wheat, 140 quarters of oats, 280 
crannocs of malt of oats, and 50 crannocs of malt of wheat : 
there were also 504 lbs. of onions. In the same account it appears 
that there were sent to Gascony 863 quarters of wheat, 492 
quarters of oats, and 212 quarters of beans. 

From February to August, 1297, advices were sent from Ire- 
land to keepers of King's stores in Gascony that 16 ships, 
with 3,698 quarters of wheat and 814 quarters of oats, had been 
sent; the names of ships, Irish ports of sailing, and dates are 
given. Pressing orders for men and provisions for Gascony were 
sent on 4 and 5 May, 1297. 

In his account for Michaelmas the Treasurer represents that 
purveyors had sent in accounts claiming that 4,136 quarters of 
wheat and 379 crannocs of oats had been sent to Gascony. 

On 8 December, 1297, the King ordered the Treasurer and 
chamberlains of the Exchequer, Ireland, that 500 quarters of 
wheat and 500 quarters of malt should be shipped to Carnarvon 
to supply the Welsh castles; and the treasurer's account for 
Easter, 1298, contains accounts of payments to purveyors 5 for 
some of the corn required. 

The King, on 15 April, being about to march into Scotland to 
repress rebellion, ordered his Justiciar, chancellor and treasurer 
of Ireland and the barons of the Exchequer to provide in Ireland 
as quickly as possible and to send him to Carlisle by 24 June 
all the wheat, oats, wines, meat, fish, and other victuals they 
could procure, and a further supply by 1 August. Close on 
£2,000 was advanced from the Irish Treasury to purveyors to 
purchase these supplies, as appears by the account of treasury 
payments, T. 1298. 

He intended to proceed against the Scotch in the summer of 
1299, and, in preparation for this, he informed the Justiciar, 
Chancellor and Treasurer of Ireland on 12 December, 1298, that 
he was obliged to have recourse to Ireland for supplies, and 
commanded them to provide him with 8,000 quarters of wheat 
(6,000 of these to be in bolted flour, without bran, placed in dry 
and safe barrels), 10,000 quarters of oats, 2,000 quarters of ground 

5 See note on the procedure adopted in procuring provisions by pur- 
veyors, page 17. 


malt, 1,000 tuns of wine (to be procured from Gascony if neces- 
sary), 500 carcases of salt beef, 1,000 fat pigs, and 20,000 dried 
fish ; and to cause these supplies to be in the port of Skinburness, 
near Carlisle, by Pentecost. Advances to purveyors, amounting 
to £1,900, appear in the treasury payment account for H. 1299, 
and £2,279 9s. 8d. in the account for T. 1299. 

During the years 1298-9 the Welsh castles also received sub- 
stantial supplies from Ireland. 

On 17 January, 1300, the King informed the Justiciar, chan- 
cellor and treasurer of Ireland that for the safety of his Crown, 
the common utility of the kingdom and the King's demesnes, and 
in order to guard against losses from the Scottish rebellion, he 
proposed to be at Carlisle on 24 June; and he commanded them 
i,o provide and send him to Carlisle by that date 300 hobelers, 
well armed, the best that could be found, 3,000 quarters of wheat, 
2,000 quarters of oats, 300 tuns of wine, and 10,000 stock-fish. 

The King prepared to attack the Scotch in 1301, after thf 
feast of Pentecost (when the truce granted to them at the request 
of the King of France would end), and on 3 April, 1301, he ordered 
the Justiciar, the chancellor or his deputy, and the treasurer of 
Ireland to buy and provide as quickly as possible 3,000 quarters 
of wheat (2,000 to be in bolted flour without bran, safely stowed 
in barrels, and 1,000 in pure, dry grain), 3,000 quarters of oats, 
.2,000 quarters of ground malt, 500 quarters of b'eans and peas, 
200 tuns of new wine, 500 quarters of salt, 10,000 stock-fish, and 
5 lasts of herrings. The King proposed to be at Berwick-on- 
Tweed and the Prince of Wales at Carlisle on 24 June ; one moiety 
-of these provisions was to be sent to the port of Skinburness, near 
Carlisle, and the other to the port in the island of Arran, and 
each moiety was to be at its destination and ready by 24 June. 
The King stated in his mandate that it was necessary to have 
recourse to Ireland for these provisions. 

The war lasted the entire year. On 21 November, 1301, he 
announced his intention to remain with his army in Scotland 
during the approaching winter in order to repress his Scotch 
-enemies; and he issued the now customary mandate to his 
Justiciar and others to buy 2 r 000 quarters of wheat, 2,000 quarters 
of oats, 2,000 quarters of malt, 4,000 large fish, and 20,000 her- 
rings, for the use of the King, his son, and his lieges in the 
expedition. Specified portions were to be sent to Skinburness 
to James de Dalilegh, keeper of the stores, to supply the castles 
of Dumfries and Loghmaban, and the remainder to the castle of 
Newcastle-upon-Ayr for the constable there : these supplies were 
to be at their destination before 2 February, 1302. Another 


mandate was sent on 5 December, 1301, to provide 200 tuns of 
wine and 20 tuns of honey, to be sent to James de Dalilegh in 
like manner. 

On 1 May, 1302, there was a mandate for 2,000 quarters of 
wheat, 2,000 quarters of oats, 1,000 quarters of malt, and 100 tuns 
of wine, in addition to those already ordered, to be sent to New- 
eastle-upon-Ayr to the receiver of the King's stores there; and' 
on 15 June there was an urgent mandate to send these provisions 
with all possible expedition. 

There were also mandates for provisions in the 3 7 ears 1303 and 
1301 : again in 1306, w T hen the aged King was commencing his 
final effort to crush Bruce and subdue the Scotch, he had recourse 
to Ireland for provisions for his army. 

On 1 March, 1306, the customary mandate was sent to provide- 
3,000 quarters of wheat 3,000 quarters of oats, 1,000 quarters 
of malt of oats, 200 tuns of wine, 200 carcases of beef, 300 hogs r 
and 10,000 hard fish ; one-half of these supplies to be sent to 
Skinburness and the other half to Newcastle-upon-Ayr : the pro- 
visions to be conveyed to Skinburness on or before the feast of 
the Ascension next ensuing. 

It is unnecessary to extend these lists into the reigns of 
Edward II and Edward III. More than enough has been done 
to show the great quantity of corn and other provisions that could 
be spared and exported for the use of the English armies at this 
period, and a comparison with the contributions of large shires in 
England then notable for fertility and good farming would prove 
most interesting and instructive. 

Standard of Living, Farming, etc. 

Among the deeds and documents transferred to the Public 
Record Office of Ireland from Christchurch, Dublin, there is a 
valuable collection of accounts for the years 1337-46. The 
Account Roll containing them has been edited, with translation, 
notes and introduction by the late Mr James Mills, as an extra 
volume for this Society, under the title of " Account Roll of the 
Priory of the Holy Trinity, Dublin, 1337-1346," &c. 

This Priory owned manors and lands in the counties of Dublin r 
Down, Kildare, Louth and Tij)perary. The greater part of this 
property was let to tenants, but, especially in the county of 
Dublin, large manor farms were farmed for the Priory by its own 
officers and workmen. 

There is a rental of the manors of Glasnevin, Grangegorman, 
&c, giving the names, rents and customary services of the farmers 
and cottagers there. 



The husbandry accounts, including that of the bailiff of Clon- 
ikeen, give a clear idea of farm buildings, carts, ploughs and in- 
struments of husbandry, wages, food and drink given to farm 
labourers and other persons employed, the nature of their work 
and the days on which they were employed, seed used for tilling, 
farming operations, .quantity of crops, and accounts of their dis- 
posal. Tradesmen (carpenter, smith, &c.) were employed, cattle 
-bought and sold, stores and materials procured, corn ground at 
the mill, and the malthouse constantly brought into requisition. 
These and other transactions appearing in the accounts give valu- 
able and reliable information concerning agricultural products 
and operations, wages and food of farm labourers and tradesmen, 
prices of stock, cost of material, and in a general way the position 
.and standard of living of the agricultural classes in the county 
of Dublin at this period. 

I regret to say that I am not aware of an account of the house- 
Jbold expenses of any Irish layman or noble of the period that 
would give an accurate idea of the standard of living of the 
wealthier classes. These accounts, however, furnish a detailed 
account of the table and some other expenses of the Prior of Holy 
Trinity that will enable us to infer what such standard of living 
must have been. 

The income of the House, estimated in money and kind, was 
probably about £300 yearly, equivalent to about £4,500 in the 
first half of the year 1914. It was, therefore, far from rich in 
•comparison with several religious houses of the time, and its 
annual receipts would fall far short of those of even a lesser 

Three meals were served daily in the Prior's chamber, con- 
sisting of breakfast, dinner and supper : the Prior abstained from 
meat on Fridays only. 

Breakfast was generally a substantial meal, including bread, 
.capons, pasties, oysters or salmon, and wine or ale. 

Dinner and supper were both substantial, with abundance of 
meat, but without many different dishes. The principal articles 
of food were bread, beef and mutton, fowls, capons, geese (in 
•autumn), lamb (in season), pork, pigeons, goslings, rabbits, larks, 
;and plovers. 

In Lent and on Fridays there was a plentiful supply of fish, 
viz. : — Salmon, oysters, stock-fish, and herrings, which were the 
most common, and other kinds occasionally, such as eels, trout, 
furbot, plaice, gurnard and salted eels. 

Bread was in use at every meal, and butter and cheese were 
in common use. The onion was the favourite vegetable at table : 


beans and peas were grown in large quantities, but they appear 
to have been eaten mainly by labourers or given to cattle. 

Other articles in use for the table were olive oil, almonds, wal- 
nuts, rice, salt, pepper, mustard, ginger, saffron and spices. 

The standing drink at every meal was ale or beer : wine was 
also used at the Prior's table. 

Again I feel precluded from drawing further on the valuable 
materials in this book by Mr. Mills. It is easily accessible to 
those who wish to investigate the matter thoroughly. More than 
enough has been done to show that food of good quality, and 
luxuries, top, were to be found in Ireland at this period; and that 
the standard of living compared very favourably with that exist- 
ing in other countries. 


Measures, &c., in Ireland. 

By an Act * of the Irish Parliament passed a. r. liij, Hen. Ill (1269) it 
was enacted 

that one and the same measure of every kind of corn, one and the 
same gallon, one and the same weights, and one and the same ell 
shall be from henceforth throughout all Ireland as they are 
appointed and approved in the City of London. 

Pursuant to this Act the general measure of corn at Dublin, and most 
probably at the principal ports and markets of Ireland, was the quarter 
of London in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The Irish measure 
called the crannoc was equivalent to it, and both names for the same 
quantity of corn are sometimes used interchangeably in the same 

Thirty years later it was stated officially that according to the custom 
of Dublin the quarter of wheat contained 7 bushels rased, and the 
eighth bushel heaped. This statement occurs in a letter of advice dated 
20 February, 1299, from the Irish Exchequer to the Chamberlain of 
Wales, announcing the despatch of 161 quarters of wheat for supplies 
of the castles of Carnarvon, Beaumaris, Krikin, and Harlech {Sweet- 
man's Calendar, vol. iv, p. 286); and it may be noted here that as the 
Irish crannoc corresponded to the English quarter the Irish peck corre- 
sponded to the English bushel. 

Notwithstanding the effort of the Irish Parliament to establish one 
measure and one weight throughout Ireland, local customs must have 
begun to spring up, for an Act * was passed in the year 1320 (a. r. xiij, 
Ed. II, c. 9) by the Irish Parliament to the effect 

that there be one measure and one weight throughout all Ireland, 
that is to say, wheat and other grain [to be measured by] the 
quarter of wheat of London, of eight pecks, seven of which to be 
rased and the eighth heaped, and of oats fourteen pecks heaped. 

* See " Early Statutes, Ireland" (Irish Rolls Series) By If. F, Berry. 


And that bushels, gallons of wine and ale, and the other measures- 
be in accordance with the King's standard throughout all Ireland. 

It will be noticed that the custom of Dublin above referred to was- 
established as the law by this statute; and that the bushel and the peck 
are equivalent. 

During the years 1240-1350 we may, therefore, regard the quarter or 
crannoc of wheat, barley, hastivell, beans or peas as containing 8 
bushels or pecks, seven to be rased and the eighth heaped; and in the 
case of oats the quarter or crannoc contained fourteen bushels or pecks- 

It will not be necessary to refer to more than two local customs. 

In the Norfolk Accounts, 1279-94, deposited in the Public Record Office,. 
London, and described as " Ministers' Accounts of the Lands, &c, of 
the Earl of Norfolk, in Co. Carlow," the crannoc of wheat is found, to 
contain 8 bushels and the crannoc of oats 16 bushels. 

In the Accounts of the Priory of Holy Trinity, 1337-46, referred to in 
pages 12-14, the crannoc of wheat is represented as containing 7 heaped 
pecks, and that of oats as containing 14 pecks ; and the crannoc of wheat,, 
barley, hastivell, beans or peas is also represented as containing 8 pecks, 
apparently rased. 

Local deviations from the legal standard became greater and greater 
in the course of time. 

Letter Concerning Gannoc Campaign, 1245. 

The following is a translation of a letter f written by a nobleman serv- 
ing with the army of Henry III during the Gannoc compaign, which 
illustrates very vividly the ferocity and bitterness with which the war 
was waged. It runs thus : — Greeting. The lord the King with his 
army has remained at Gannoc to fortify a certain fortress which is now 
most strongly fortified there; and we live around it in our tents in 
watch ings, in fasts, in prayers, in cold and nakedness. In watchings 
through fear of the Welshmen who rush upon us suddenly and by night. 
In fasts through want of victuals, as the , halfpenny loaf is worth 
five pence. In prayers that we may return safe and unharmed to our 
own as soon as possible. In cold and nakedness because our houses are* 
made of linen, and we lack winter garments. 

There is, however, a certain small arm of the sea, like a port, ascend- 
ing and descending under the said fortress where we abide, where ships- 
often have come to our quarters bringing victuals from Ireland and from 
Chester, and that arm is between us and Snowdon, where the Welshmen 
now live, and when the sea is full it is only the distance of a cross-bow 
shot in breadth. Now on Monday (25 September) next before Michael- 
mas, in the afternoon, it happened that a certain ship from Ireland, 
bringing victuals to us for sale, arrived at the entrance of the port, but 
as it was carelessly steered it settled, on the ebb of the sea, on dry land 
under our said fortress on the far bank towards the Welshmen. Hence 
the Welshmen running towards it attacked it on the dry ground, but we, 

t The original is printed in Matthcei Parisiensis Chronica Majora, vol. iv, p. 481, (Rolls. 


seeing this from the near bank, sent over the water by boats three hun- 
dred Welsh marchers belonging to ns from Cheshire and Shropshire, 
and cross-bow men and armed knights with them to defend the said ship. 
The Welsh, on perceiving this, hastily betook themselves to their accus- 
. tomed and familiar retreats in the woods and mountains, but our knights 
accompanied by our men, although they were on foot because they had 
not brought horses with them across the water, pursuing them for a 
( distance of two leagues, wounded and slew many of the Welshmen. Our 
men, therefore, returning triumphant from the enemy, eager and re- 
solved to rob, plunder, and burn in the district over the water, among 
other sacrilegious acts irreverently robbing an abbey of the Cistercian 
, Order at Aberconway of all its goods, including its chalices and books, 
burned its buildings. In the meantime, the Welshmen, with a wailing 
shout, collecting a great number of their men, suddenly attacking our 
men who were loaded with spoils so vilely obtained and wrapped up in 
their sins, put many of them to flight and wounded and butchered those 
who unhappily turned in flight to the ship. Some of our men preferring 
t-o be engulfed by the waves and die submerged rather than to be slain 
at the will of their enemies, plunged themselves of their own accord, 
when about to perish, into the waves of the sea. They also captured 
( our knights alive in order to imprison them, but, having heard that we 
, had slain some of their nobles, and especially the son of Oclo Naveth, 
most elegant and valorous, they, too, hanged our men, beheading and 
horribly mutilating them, and finally they flung their miserable bodies, 
dismembered into the river in detestation of their guilty avarice, in- 
asmuch as they did not even spare the church of the monks. 

Of our men there fell in that conflict certain valiant knights of the 
household of Richard Earl of Cornwall, namely, Sir Alan Buscel, Sir 
Adam de Moia, Sir Geoffrey Esturmy, and a fourth, a Gascon cross-bow 
man named Reymund, about whom the King was often wont to jest. Of 
. the soldiers who were killed, besides those that were drowned, the 
number was about a hundred : of the Welshmen there were as many or 

In the meantime there was in the ship, which he bravely defended, 
Sir Walter Biset with his men until about midnight in unceasing battle 
against the Welshmen, who were attacking valiantly on every side, 
and if our men had not the ship's bulwarks for a wall all would have 
fallen into the hands of the enemy. At length, the sea having risen, 
and the floating ship having then become inaccessible, the Welsh 
withdrew, grieving that our men were snatched out of their hands. 
There were sixty tuns of wine in the ship besides other victuals most 
desirable and opportune, of which we were then deprived. Morning 
having come, and the sea having ebbed, the Welsh returned with 
alacrity, in the belief that our men were occupying the ship, but by the 
providence of God during the night while it was high water, our men, 
abandoning the ship and coming to us in our boats, escaped before the 
arrival of the Welsh. The Welsh, having come up, took away nearly 
all the wine and other things which they found in the ship, and, depart- 
ing as the sea was rising, they set fire to the ship and broke it up, and 
one half of the ship was burned. The other part was saved, with seven 
i ™ s of wine, which we haiiled to the near bank. During the time we 


Ihave spent in the army, in want of many things we have often gone out 
armed exposed to many dangers in order to obtain necessaries, sustain- 
ing many snares and assaults of the Welsh, suffering losses, and more 
often inflicting them on the enemy in the lucky chances of war. In one 
battle we brought back in triumph to camp nearly one hundred heads 
of headless bodies. About that time there was such a scarcity of victuals, 
such a dearth of all necessaries, that we suffered irrestorable loss of 
men as well as of horses. There was a time (hora) in which there was 
no wine in the entire house of the King, or even in the army, except 
one solitary tun : a load (summa) of wheat was purchased for twenty 
shillings, a well-fed cow for three or four marks, a hen for eight pence. 
Therefore, men and horses pined away, and many, wasted by want of 
nourishment, perished. 

Procedure Adopted in Procuring Provisions by Purveyors. 

The following abstracts 1 and particulars are given to illustrate the 
normal procedure adopted in procuring provisions for the armies by 
means of purveyors : — 

I. Edward II commands his Justiciar and Treasurer of Ireland or 
-their deputies, to purchase out of the issues of Ireland, and provide 

without delay 200 quarters of wheat, 400 quarters of oats, and 100 tuns 
of wine; to cause these provisions to be carried by sea to the port of 
Skinburness to be delivered to the Receiver of the King's provisions at 
Carlisle for supplying the castle and town there according as his clerk, 
William de Somery, who has been sent to supervise and speed the busi- 
ness, will explain; to relax nothing in this service as they love the King 
and his honour ; to make an indenture of the price and cost of procuring 
these provisions between them and the said clerk, who shall -deposit it 
in the King's wardrobe on his return; to inform the Receiver of the price 
and cost aforesaid in the indentures made between them and the 
mariners who shall transport the provisions, so that he may acquit 
liimself of the price of such victuals as any persons may receive 
from him; and to pay Is. 6d. daily to William de Somery from the 
day of his arrival for such business while he shall remain engaged 

~ The costs of purchase, carriage and wages shall be allowed in their 
account at the Exchequer. 

Witness, John, bishop of Bath and W T ells at Westminster on 12 June, 
a. r. vj, Ed. II (1313). 

This mandate was enrolled before Edmund le Botiller, custos of 
Ireland, at Tilagh on 24 August, a. r. vij, Ed. II (1313) : it was delivered 
into the Exchequer for enrolment on 1st September, and then handed 
to the chamberlains for safe custody. 

II. Edward II appoints his clerk, William de Somery, to supervise the 
diligence and haste of the Sheriffs of Dublin, Meath, and Louth, and 
the purveyors of the King's provisions at Dublin and Drogheda in pro- 
viding the supplies in No. I (the word crannoc being used instead of 

1 The documents of which abstracts are given are enrolkd in the Memorandum Roll of the 
Exchequer, Ireland, Trinity term, a. r. vj. & vij. Ed. II (1313). 



quarter), and in executing the King's mandate; and all persons are to, 
assist him in such work. 

Dated at Dublin, 1 September, a. r. vij, Ed. II (1313). 

This commission was issued by the Deputy of the Treasurer of the 
Exchequer, who issued commissions on the same day to two purveyors 
at Dublin and two purveyors at Drogheda to provide and purchase in 
the neighbourhood of their respective ports the provisions specified in 
No. I for the purpose therein, and to return into the Exchequer an 
account of their receipts and payments of the King's money when re- 

Writs were issued on same day by the said Deputy to the Sheriffs of 
Dublin, Meath and Louth, commanding each in his own bailiwick by 
the view and order of the said William de Somery to cause the quantities 
of provisions specified in their respective writs to be provided; to pre- 
pare indentures between them and the persons from whom they would 
take the corn, stating the quantities so taken, the Sheriff of Dublin 
to cause the provisions provided by him to be carried to Dublin port and 
delivered to the purveyors there, the Sheriffs of Meath and Louth to 
cause their provisions to be carried to and delivered to the purveyors 
at Drogheda, and all the Sheriffs to inform the Treasurer and Barons of 
the Exchequer of the quantities severally provided by them and the 
quantities delivered by them to the purveyors. 

This sufficiently explains the system : it would be superfluous here 
to go into cases of taking provisions compulsorily, adjusting disputes 
concerning price, and other incidents of royal purveyance. 

Plate. I.] 

[To face page 19. 

( 19 ) 



By C. McNeill, Hon. Gen. Sec. 

The name Monaincha or Monahincha (Moininnse, the bog of the 
island) is not found in early records. It was applied at the 
beginning of the 18th century to the northern part of the great 
bog of Monela, as Ledwich calls it, 1 that is Moin Eile, the Bog of 
Eile, for Eile was the ancient name of the territory in which it 
lies. The whole bog is now marked Monaincha Bog on the maps 
of the Ordnance Survey, and the more correct name of Moin-Eile 
has dropped out of use. It had itself displaced a more particular 
designation recorded in the Latin form of " Gronna Lurgan," 2 
that is the Bog of Lurga; in Irish, no doubt, Moin Lurgan. 

Monaincha represents in fact, but half a name, and its com- 
plete form would be Moin-Innse-Locha-Cre, the Bog of the Island 
of Loch Ore. Inis-Locha-Cre, the Island of Loch-Cre is the proper 
name of the site of the monastery to which, in comparatively 
recent times, the name of Monaincha has been given. From the 
reign of King John to that of Queen Elizabeth it bore another, viz. : 
Inis-na-mbeo, Insula Viventium, the Island of the living, by 
which Giraldus Cambrensis had described it, but neither this name 
nor the story Cambrensis tells to account for it is traced in any 
authority earlier than himself. In the Irish Annals the place is 
always called the Island of Loch Cre. 

The first annalistic mention of the place is at a date corre- 
sponding with a.d. 807. " In this year Elarius, anchorite and 
scribe of Loch Cre fell asleep in Christ." There is no doubt that 
Elarius is Elair na hlnsi, Elair of the Island, that is the Island 
of Loch Cre, as the gloss adds, commemorated in martyrologies 
compiled after his death but not in the martyrology of Oengus 
the Culdee, his contemporary, and the S. Hilarius whom Ware 
names as patron of the priory of Inehinemeo, alias Insula Viven- 
tium. 3 It does not appear on what authority Ware relied for this 
dedication, nor was it absolutely certain to him, for he adds 
alias B. Mariae," showing that there were others who ascribed 

1 Antiquities of Ireland, 2nd ed. P. 114. 

2 Vita S. Cronani in Plummer, Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae, vol. ii, p. 

3 Antiquities, 1658, p. 239. In Harris's edition, 1745, p. 266, it is stated, 
after Alemand, that the founder was S. Donan in the seventh century. 
This appears to be a misunderstanding of what Ware says, p. 242, of the 
Priory of Thome. Alemand's account, Histoire Monastiqut d'lrlande, 
pp. 67 and 320, is a very confused one. 


the patronage to the Blessed Virgin. Neither in the Annals nor 
in Ware is there anything to show that S. Elarius, even if he were 
patron, was regarded as the founder of the church of Monaincha, 
and the assertion of Dr. Reeves 4 that, it was founded by S. Hilary 
in the 8th century would need more definite testimony. Further- 
more, local tradition claimed as patron S. Columba, whose feast, 
says Archdall, was kept here on 15th June, and who may conse- 
quently be distinguished from S. Columcille, commemorated on 
9th June. In fact, Oolum of the Island of Loch Ore appears in the 
Martyrologies at 15th May, so that Archdall, or his informant, may 
have been mistaken in the month. Unfortunately, no particulars 
are given from which the time of this Colum can be deduced. 

That the foundation was made much earlier than the 8th 
century will be seen from certain passages in the Lives of early 
Irish saints to have been taken as an unquestioned fact by the 
writers, and whatever authority their testimony has supports the 
view that a monastic settlement of some sort, perhaps no more 
than a hermitage, existed on the Island of Loch Cre before the 
end of the 6th century, and that St Cainnech of Aghaboe, the 
patron of Kilkenny, is the first saint whose name is connected 
with the island, though he may not have established a separate 
community there. 

In the latter half of the 6th century, after his return from 
Northern Britain, where he had shared in the apostolic labours of 
his close friend and fellow-Ulsterman, S. Columcille, S. Cainnech 
established a monastery at Aghaboe, in Ossory, not far from the 
borders of the adjoining province of Munster. But the desire for 
extreme asceticism, which was characteristic of the early Irish 
monks, impelled him to quit his monastery and bury himself in 
some solitude, where he could devote himself to prayer and morti- 
fication unseen by men. The Bog of Lurga, about ten miles from 
Aghaboe but within the borders of Munster, attracted him to its 
waste of pools, quagmires and woodland. He penetrated its 
recesses and, as his life relates, he crossed dry-foot without boat 
or raft into the island of Loch Cre and fasted there for forty days 
after the example of our Lord, exposed to the weather and lying 
on the naked ground. An accident revealed his whereabouts. A 
deer pursued by hounds took refuge in the island; the hunter 
followed them, and saw with surprise his dogs and their quarry 
resting peacefully before one whom he recognised as the lost 
Abbot of Aghaboe. The saint bound him to keep the secret unless 
he should be about to> die, and he returned to his home. He soon 
afterwards fell ill, and believing himself to be at the point of death 
he told what he had seen on the island and was immediately 
restored to health. The monks of Aghaboe hastened to .the 
spot and brought back St Cainnech to his monastery. This 

* The Culdees of the British Isles, 1864, p. 21. 


experience convinced him that he was not called to the 
life of a hermit: but he returned again to Loch Cre, as 
appears from two other passages, one of which relates that he 
wrote on the island a copy of the Four Gospels, from which it 
may be inferred that he was not then without the shelter of a roof. 
This manuscript, celebrated by the title of " Glass Cainnigh," 
Cainnech 's Green Book, was preserved at Aghaboe down to the 
time when his life was written. The other passage tells that in 
one of his visits to Iona, St Cainnech preached a sermon that 
everyone heard with admiration. " Who was it, Cainnech, * 
Columcille asked him, " that gave you that insight into the 
Gospel? " " The Son of the Virgin knows," replied Cainnech, 
with his usual emphatic phrase, " that when I was in the island 
of Loch Cre in Ireland, not far from Mount Smoir [SI. Bloom] 
the Lord Jesus Christ came to me, and I read the Gospel with 
Him, and it was He that taught me that ( meaning of it." 5 

There is evidence that the monastery of the island had a con- 
tinuous existence after the death of S. Cainnech. In the succeed- 
ing century, the neighbouring church of Clonfert-Mulloe, or Kyle, 
about five miles to the west of Loch Cre, was ruled by St Molua. 
When he felt his end approaching he called his monks about him 
and gave them his parting counsel in words that may be cited as 
a picture of an Irish monastery of the time, one of those in which 
were trained the missionaries who now began to leave our shores; 
in troops, and brought to Central Europe not only Christianity,, 
but secular learning, humanity, industry and the arts of 

" Most dearly beloved brethren," he said, " till well the soil 
and labour well that you may have enough of food and drink and 
clothing. For where there is enough among the servants of God 
there shall be steadfastness; and where there is steadfastness in 
service there shall be exact observance of rule. New, the end of 
observance of rule shall be life eternal. Most dearly beloved sons, 
let there be steadfastness among you; let there be fitting silence; 
have a care of travellers ; next to prayer love working with your 
hands ; receive guests at all times for the sake of Christ. Always 
devote yourselves to prayer in the morning, and after that to 
reading, and then to labour (so he divided the day into three) ; 
employing yourselves until evening in the work of God and other 
needful occupations." 

After this Molua went to Loch Cre to see S. Cronan and take 
leave of the world. He found S. Cronan then dwelling m the 
island, 6 and there received from him the Holy Eucharist. We 

5 Vita S. Cainnici, Plummer, vol. i, p. 167, sqq. tt 
e This is the statement of the text followed by Plummer: Verut 
sanctus senex Molua ad sanctum Cronanum in insula Cre tunc nabi- 
tantem." The Codex Salmanticensis. however, has after Cronanum, 
" Ruis Cree, sedentem tunc in cella San Ruis. Vita 88. Rih- vol. n, 
p. 223. 


may assume about this time S Cronan built his own first church 
in Eile at Sean Ross, now called Corbally. His life in telling of 
this foundation makes mention of the monastery irr the island : 
St Cronan came to East Minister to his own country of Hele 
(Eile) and halted beside the Bog of Lurga, over against the land 
of the Osraighe (Ossory) which is the western district of Leinster. 
He built then a church near Loch Ore in which lake there is 
a monastery of ever religious monks. The name of the church is 
Sean Ross. 7 S Cronan died in 665, 8 after he had transferred his 
monastery from Sean Ross to Roscrea." 

There is after this a wide gap until the chronicle of Loch Cre 
is taken up by the annalists in the following scanty and meagre 
entries : 

A.D. 807. Elarius, anchorite and scribe of Loch Cre fell 
asleep in Christ. 9 
923. Flaithbheartach, son of Ionmainein, was 
captured by the Norsemen on the Island of 
of Loch Cre and taken to Limerick. 10 

1120. Fearghail of the Island of Loch Cre, a vener- 
able senior [i.e., abbot] and a chosen soldier 
of God departed to Christ. 11 

1138. Maelpatraic O'Drugain, the sagest doctor of 
the Irish, Head of the Schools of Armagh, 
the most learned man of Western Europe, 
eminent in virtue and religious observance, 
fell asleep in the Lord on 2 January during 
his pilgrimage in the Island of Loch Cre. 12 

1143. Macraith O'Fidan, Head of the island of Loch 
Cre, died. 13 

After the death of Macraith O'Fidan in 1143 no mention of the 
Island of Loch Cre is found until we come to the time of the 
Anglo-Norman invasion, when the place attracted the notice of 
Gerald Barry, the Welshman, for the wonders to be told of it. 
There were then, as he says, two churches on separate islands 
in the lake; one of them on the larger island was ecclesia 
antiquae religionis," not, as Ledwich understood the words, " a 
church of the old religion," but a church of an old religious order, 
indicating, presumably, that its community still followed one of 
the ancient Irish rules, a circumstance of so much interest that, 
had the versatile Archdeacon's foresight been as keen as his 

7 Vita S. Cronani, Plummer, Vitae SS. Ilib., vol. ii, p. 26. 

8 Ussher, Antiquitiites, vol. xvii, in Works (Elrington), vol. vi. p. 541. 

9 Annals of Ulster, 806 ( = 807); Four Masters, 802. 

10 Annals of Ulster, 922; Four Masters, 921. 

11 Annals of Innisf alien, 1120; Annals of Ulster and Four Masters, 1119. 
13 Colgan, Trias Thaum, 304, 2. 

13 Four Masters, 1143. 



anxiety lor lame, he would have chosen to describe in full the 
ordinary life of that house instead of his incredible marvels This 
community was probably the one which at a later period, as the 
majority of the early Irish monks had already done, adopted the 
rule of Canons Regular of St Augustin, and were seated at Cor- 
bally, on the mainland to the north-west of the lake. The church 
of the smaller island, devoutly served by celibates called Celicolae 
or Colidei, is the one whose ruins stand on the bog island of 
Monaincha. The following is Gerald Barry's account in his 
Topographia Hibernica, distinctioi ii, cap. iv, in the chapter 
entitled " Of two islands in one of which no one dies, in the other 
no animal of the female sex enters." 

There is, he says, a lake in North Munster containing two 
islands, a greater and a, less. The greater has a church of an 
ancient religious order, and the less has a chapel served by a few 
celibates whom they call Celicolae or Colidei. No woman or 
animal of the female sex could enter the greater island without 
dying immediately. This has been put to the proof many times 
by means of dogs, cats and other animals of that sex, which have 
often been brought to it as a test, and have died at once. As re- 
gards the birds of the district, it is wonderful how, when the males 
settle at random on the bushes of the islands the hen birds fly 
past and leave their males there, and avoid that island like a 
plague, as if well aware of its natural power. No one ever died 
or could die in the smaller island, whence it is called the Isle of 
the Living; yet from time to time persons are afflicted with 
deadly ailments and suffer agonies to their last breath. Wnen 
they feel that there is no longer any hope of really living, and by 
the increase of their disease they are in the end so distressed that 
they would rather die outright than continue in living death, they 
have themselves brought at last in a boat to the greater island, 
and they give up the ghost as soon as they touch the land. 

The further history of the monastery is a. blank until the 
reign of Queen Elizabeth. What happened to it in the first years 
after the suppression of the religious houses is unknown. The 
canons may, perhaps, have lived on under the protection of the 
Earls of Ormond or the O'Carrolls of Ely in the remoteness and 
obscurity of their old home, for there is no record of a surrender 
to the crown; and the crown title was not found until 27th 
December, 1568, when an inquisition sworn for the purpose found 
the monastery of the Virgin Mary in Inchenemo or island of the 
living to belong to the Queen by virtue of an Act of Parliament, 
The monastery and its possessions were afterwards leased for 
several successive terms to Sir William Carroll and his son, 14 and 
were ultimately granted to Sir Lucas Dillon. 15 

14 Fiants, Eliz., n s. 973, 1319, 9399, 4923. 

15 Archdall, Monast., p. 669. 


The Rev. Matthew Kelly, in his edition of " Cambrensis 
Eversus " (1848) gives some interesting local details: " The place 
was formerly frequented by pilgrims, and five of the stations are 
yet. remembered. About 100 years ago the proprietor of the- 
place drained the lake, forbade all access to the church either for 
burial or pilgrimage, destroyed tombstones and erected round 
the church a circular mound, composed, the people say, of the 
mortal remains of the hundred [ !] generations deposited in that 
favourite churchyard. . . . The people regard St Columba as 
the founder of the church." The antiquities of Monaincha have 
been discussed in more or less detail by Archdall in his Monasticon 
Hibemicum, p. 667, Ledwich in his Antiquities of Ireland, 2nd 
edition, pp. 102, and 'Donovan, Annals of the Four Masters at 
a.d. 802. There is a detailed description of the ruins by 
O'Donovan in O. S. Letters, Co. Tipperary, vol. ii. 

In volume ii of our Journal (1852-3), pp. 56-7, a tombstone 
then discovered on the site was described by Mr. T. L. Cook^. 
The stone measured 49 inches in length, 22| inches in breadth, 
and was two inches thick; it bore an Irish inscription, read as 
follows : 

e. a. 
on am rnneiiAcn 
ha mAeltti5T)Acti 

" E. A. (probably A 9.) a prayer for Maenach Ua 
Maellugdaeh Mr Cooke believed the lettering to be of the 9th 
or 10th century; but the surname points to a later date. 

By Harold G. Leask, M.R.I. A.I. , Fellow. 

The little ruined church of Monaincha stands upon what, in 
past times, was probably an island in a lake or a marsh, and is 
now but a slight eminence over the surrounding drained bog. 
It is about three miles by road from the town of Roscrea, west 
of the latter and close to the border of the County of Tipperary. 

I first saw it on the occasion of an extremely brief official 
visit, upon the afternoon of a summer day, its walls golden in 
the rays of the westering sun, the little green mound with its 
circling wall and groups of beach trees forming a perfect setting 
in the level bogland, bright with ragweed and bordered in the 
distance by woods. The whole effect was very suggestive of a 
Petrie water-colour sketch, with just that delicac} 7 and precision 



which is the great charm of his work. It must have impressed 
him, since there is in the archives of our Society a colour sketch 
by him with the title " An ideal Irish Romanesque Church," 
which is undoubtedly a portrait, from memory, of Monaincha. 

It is here intended simply to describe the ruins in detail, giving 
some drawings and photographs illustrative of all the legible 

Plan Fig. 1. 

work now to be found. With more time to spare it would doubt- 
less be quite possible to ascertain the character of the less legible 
details of the ornament. Only such details and ornaments as are 
now perfectly legible are illustrated. It is not intended to 
advance any theories or to enter into the debatable field of the 
dates of Irish Romanesque work. Following the lead of our 
President in his inaugural address, I wish simply to add a little 
to the record of this kind of work. 

The survey was made during a long week-end at Roscrea^with 
the able and enthusiastic assistance of my friend, Mr. Louis F. 
Giran, to whom I am much indebted. 


The church is of the Nave and Chancel type, and though the 
axis of the latter is at a slight angle to that of the Nave, both 
would appear to be of the same date. The Nave is 33 feet and 
1 inch long by 17 feet 2 inches wide, the east, north and west 

5cafe I t * I 5 ' g I s ^ 

Fig. 2. 

walls are 2 feet 6 inches in thickness, and the south wall 2 feet 
3 inches, and all are standing to very nearly their full original 
height. The Chancel measures internally 11 feet 10 inches in 
length from the west face of the east wall of the Nave, by 8 feet 



3 inches in width from north to south. Its north and east walls 
are 1 foot 11 inches and the south wall 1 foot 8i inches in 

On the north side of the Nave is a later building of two stories, 
the lower apartment in which, probably, was used as a Sacristy, 
is 21 feet in length from north to south, and 13 feet 3 inches in 
width, covered by a rough masonry vault of almost semi-circular 
section. Of the room over the vault, approached by a flight of 
steps rising from the door into Nave, only the north gable is 
standing. This gable contains a small window with stone seats 
in the window recess. It would appear to have been a dwelling 

Masonry. — The walls of Nave and Chancel are built in a fine- 
grained, red sandstone, which, on the exterior, has weathered 
to a beautiful warm grey generally and to yellow and grey-green 
in places. The masonry is of fine quality, there being many 
stones of considerable length in proportion to their thickness. 
One in the west gable measures 5 feet 6 inches long by a foot in 
depth, and another on the south side 7 feet 6 inches long by about 
6 inches in average thickness. 

The building to the north is of masonry, much inferior in 
quality of execution and in selection of stones, the still standing 
north gable being of very poor quality generally. 

West Door. — The first and most arresting piece of detail is 
the western doorway (Fig. 2). The opening has inclined jambs, 
being 2 feet 11^ inches wide at the sill and 2 feet 8 inches under 
the impost moulding, the total height being 7 feet 8 inches. The 
arch is semi-elliptical in form, not semi-circular. Much of the 
north jamb has been repaired (modern stones marked " M ") 
hut the south jamb is practically entirely as it originally stood, 
•except for the erosion of time and weather. The archway is in 
three recessed orders or planes, framed by pilasters, three-sided 
in section, and a hood mould of round or bolster form. Both 
these were possibly covered with fine carving (a detail in Ledwich 
shows portion of an inscription on the pilasters. There are no 
signs of one, however). There is a suggestion of chevron-like 
scribings on the pilasters, but they are now so much weather- 
worn that it is impossible to speak with any certainty of their 
character. The impost mouldings of the north jamb have a 
hollow chamfer, and those of the south a double hollow. 

The outer arch ring is the most interesting feature, each stone 
having a carved patera on face and somte of the form shown, like 
a square having the angles cut off by quarter circles. The face 
and somte paterae meet on the arris, and the corners are here 
hollowed out, leaving short, undercut, roll moulding on each 
stone. Each patera contains a rosette or flower pattern; those 
on the face are nearly all undecipherable, the better protected 


soffite showing some half-dozen in good preservation. In some 
of these the border of the paterae is not continuous, and the 
flower has a stalk springing, as it were, from the face of the 
arch below. (See details Fig. 3.) 

Second Urch Rjng. 

Middle Jamb. 



7 M 




South Jamb. 
Inner side. 

South Jainbj 
West Thee. 

Outer Ring, Arch. 


>3ca/e of Inches . 

T-r,f , ,f,.f.,f 

Fig. 3. 

The second arch ring has an elaborate chevron and roll 
moulding, each stone having a complete chevron on face and 
soffite meeting in a point over the roll on the angle. Unlike the 
usual chevron arrangement, in which the base of the chevron, 
occupies the whole width of the stone, it is here, narrower and 


the moulding is bent in a short segment form. There are the 
usual rows of conical pellets, and the space between the chevrons 
is deeply hollowed. 

Of the inner ring only three stones remain, the rest being 
modern. I think the present arrangement as rebuilt is incorrect, 
and that originally the stones were arranged with chevrons point- 
ing outwards and downwards alternately. 

The jambs in each order are square in plan, the inner and 
outer having roll mouldings on the angles, finishing in the heads, 
or rather mouths, of animals, which are worked on the square and 
seem to grip the rolls. Both of these jambs contained long 
panels with carved continuous ornament of similar character to 
the fragments shown, which are the only ones easily decipher- 

I3 /A (enfary Cops. 

Fig. 5. 

able. The finish of this ornament at the top of the north face of 
the south jamb, in an inverted palmette pattern, is notable. 

The jamb of the middle order has a simple double chevron 
pattern on both faces, and the top stone on both sides under the 
impost would appear to have been treated as a sort of frieze 
carved with interlaced ornament, now difficult to decipher. On 
the inside of the wall is a projecting architrave of rounded form 
earned all round the opening. 

Nave Details. — The south wall of the nave (Fig. 4) is in- 
teresting, containing one of the original windows, with a very 
narrow outer opening and a wide internal splay, and beside it 
two larger inserted windows of approximately 13th century date, 
with engaged angle shafts and flat-pointed back arches. The 
external openings are very wide in proportion to their height, and 
it is not now possible to say if they were originally one or two- 
light windows. The angle shafts are of delicate detail and the 
bases of the conventional type known as " water-holding." The 
caps (Fig. 5) are curious, each having a small head projecting 



under the bell, flanked on each side by conventional leaf clusters 
springing from long stalks. They are much weathered but the 
drawing gives a fairly correct idea of them. 

The original south window has a curious label worked in the 
solid lintel stone. The west window, over door, appears to he 
a 15th century insertion in one of the original openings (Fig. 6). 

In the north wall is a doorway 2 feet 10 inches wide, and 
spanned by a pointed arch, leading to the northern building 
already mentioned. 

Fig. 6. 

Chancel Arch. — The principal feature of the Nave is the 
Chancel arch (Fig. 7). Like the west door, it is in three orders, 
but unlike it the jambs are formed of cylindrical and semi- 
cylindrical pillars. The jambs incline towards one another very 
slightly, about an inch on each side, the width at the base of the 
inner shafts being 7 feet 2h inches and at the top, under the caps 
7 feet and half an inch. The height to the soffite of the inner arch 
is 11 feet 3 inches. It is noteworthy that this arch is not semi- 
circular in shape but rather semi-elliptical, the span being 6 feet 
9 inches and the rise 3 feet and 1 inch. It is a very perfect piece 
of mason's work admirably set out. (Parenthetically I may 
state my opinion that many of the recorded semi-circular arches 
in Irish work would, if measured carefully enough, show similar 
refinements. We too frequently take an arch to be semi-circular 
merely because it looks so.) The shafts are plain engaged 


cylinders, the inner one being a half column. The bases are, as 
usual, very plain and skimpy, but the caps are of the Norman 
scalloped type. The impost mouldings are plain blocks with 
hollow chamfers. 

The arch rings (Fig. 8) show considerable variety in detail; 
the outer one projects, in architrave fashion, 2 inches from the 

State J f f f , 2 ,3 jS G feet 

FiCx. 7. 

face of the wall, each block having a complete chevron on the 
face and soffite, the chevrons inter-penetrating on the angle — so 
that the point of the face chevron is on the soffite, and the point 
of the soffite chevron on the face — the spandrils being bordered 
by lines of pellets, and decorated with conventional rosettes and 
floral patterns, all now very much defaced. The second or middle 
ring has two roll mouldings worked alternately as chevron and 
roll, as shown on drawing. The trapezoidal spaces left are deeply 



Details qfj-Irch Voussorrs. 

Fig. 8. 

Fig. 9. 


hollowed and bordered by rows of pellets, and the angular spaces 
on face, soffite and angle are filled with a variety of patterns. 

The inner ring has a roll moulding on each arris and is 
decorated with double chevrons in low relief on each face, and a 
triple band of chevrons on the soffite. The arris -rolls finish at 
the springing in curious little heads of beasts, somewhat similar 
to those on the jambs of the west door. 

The patterns filling the angular spaces in the second arch ring 
are, as beforesaid, very various, and those which are clear are 
shown (Fig. 9). Perhaps the most interesting are those in the 
diamond-shaped panels on the arris, which are, of course, in two 
planes, but shown developed on to the flat in the drawing. Each 

Fig. 10. 

has a central boss, some are rosette in form, and one is somewhat 
like a foliated cross. One has eight sprays or sprigs entwining at 
the centre in a boss. 

The springing stones of this ring are very much defaced, but 
one still shows a small human figure in very vigorous action. 

Chancel Detaies (Fig. 10). — The south wall of the Chancel 
contains two very small aumbries and an original window, widely 
splayed internally, and there is a roll moulding string course at 
sill height internally on this and the east wall but not upon the 
north wall. The east window is, to judge by the internal jambs, 
a 13th century insertion quite similar to the inserted windows in 
the south wall. 

Externally the features of interest are the four pilasters of half 
round section next the Nave, and three quarter round at the 



angles : each has small mouldings at the sides which may have 
been square or round, now very much weathered. The bases are 
also very much defaced and portion of one capital only exists, of 
basket shape. There is a double plinth course round the three 
-external sides of the Chancel, and the small south window has an 
external rebate. The character of the old masonry is well shown 
in the drawing. 

It is somewhere stated, I think by Brash, that the whole of 
this Chancel arch is an insertion. From the mason's point of 
view there are no signs of this, but the detail would seem to be 
rather different to that in the west door — less Irish and more 
Norman — in particular as regards the jambs and capitals and the 
chevron design of the second arch ring, which is very bold and of 
a type which occurs not uncommonly in England. The small 
enrichments, however, have quite the character of Irish work. 

It is not impossible tha1> it may be an insertion of not very 
much later date than the rest of the work, but the question is 
not one easily to be settled, nor is it, I think, of very great 
import. r 

There is one other interesting fragment on the site, a small 
wheel type cross, much weather worn, with a full length, skirted 
figure of Our Lord and a loose cap stone of semi-spherical shape. 

There are traces of interlaced ornament on the sides of the shaft 
and the whole is set in a heavy base stone. 

In Ledwich's map more extensive remains on two' islands 
-are shown. At the time of my visit I was unaware of this map 
and therefore did not extend my investigation beyond the imme- 
diate neighbourhood of the ruins here described. From later in- 
formation I also gathered that further search in the neighbourhood 
might reveal the existence of some other fragments stated to have 
heen removed from the site in past years. 



By W. G. Strickland, Fellow. 
[Read 29 April, 1919.] 

The following notes are, firstly, on the Book itself; and, secondly,, 
as to the tradition of its having belonged to. or been used by, the- 
Irish House of Commons. 

In 1721 George Grierson, the Dublin printer and publisher, 
brought out an edition of the Book of Common Prayer the finest 
which had yet been printed in Dublin. In this was an elaborately 
designed frontispiece engraved by the Dublin engraver, James 
Gwim. Subsequently, in 1750, Grierson published another, and 
similar, edition in which Gwim's frontispiece was again used. 
This is the edition which has been presented to the Society by 
Lord Raglan, late Governor of the Isle of Man. 

The two editions of 1721 and 1750, both folios, show some 
variation in their contents and arrangement which it is unneces- 
sary to go into. It may be noted, however, that in the 1750 
edition there is added " a New Version of the Psalms of David 
fitted to the Tunes used in Churches." This additional matter is 
dated 1751. The Library of Trinity College possesses the earlier 
edition, but not that of 1750. Copies of the latter are in the 
Library at Armagh, St. Columba's College and the University 

With regard to the engraved frontispiece in the two editions 
bearing the signature of a Dublin Artist, James Gwim, as engraver, 
the question presents itself whether the design is original, or 
whether it is a copy of a frontispiece already used elsewhere. 
The Dublin publishers were unblushing in their appropriation of 
the work of English book-illustrators, frequently adorning their 
books with unacknowledged copies of the illustrations in English 
editions, and in Grierson 's two folio editions of the Book of 
Common Prayer we have an example of this practice. The 
frontispiece, engraved by Gwim, is an almost exact copy of that' 



prefixed to the Book of Common Prayer printed in London by 
■Charles Bill, Henry Hills and Thomas Newcomb in 1687, which 
was engraved by David Loggan from a design by John Baptist 
Caspers — " Ianbatista Caespers invert, — D. Loggan Sculp." 

Lord Raglan, in his letter conveying his offer to present the 
Book, says that according to his grandmother, Lady Raglan, who 
owned it and died in 1881, aged 87, the Prayer Book was the one 
used in the Irish House of Commons. 

On the fly leaf is written: — " Presented to Llandenny Church 
by the Honble. Charlotte and the Honble. Katherine Somerset, 

There is also another and earlier, though undated, inscription: — ■ 
*' Sackvilla Brereton to her Honour' d God Mother the Honourable 
Lady Sarah Pole." 

Prom these two inscriptions the history of the book can be 
traced, and some light thrown upon the question as to whether 
it was used in the House of Commons. 

According to the older of the two inscriptions the Book belonged 
to Sackvilla Brereton who gave it to her God Mother, Lady 
Sarah Pole. This Sackvilla was daughter of Edward Brereton of 
Springmount, Queen's County, who was Sergeant-at-Arms to the 
Irish House of Commons. He was appointed to that office by 
Patent, dated 8 May, 1742, and resigned it in 1756. He 
was also Master of the Horse to the Lord Lieutenant.. He died 
at Springmount in January, 1775, aged 81, leaving a widow 1 
and two daughters Sackvilla and Martha. He bequeathed to his 
■eldest daughter Sackvilla — so named probably after Lord George 
Sackville who appears to have been a friend of Brereton and was 
one of the trustees of his will — his Springmount estate and the 
contents of the house, so that presumably in this way Sackvilla 
became possessed of the Prayer Book. There is nothing in the 
Book itself to indicate its having belonged to the House of 
Commons. The Prayer Book of the House of Lords was very 
elaborately bound; the binding of this book is quite plain, the 
same as that of the copy of the .earlier edition in Trinity College, 
except that in the latter the oblong panel on the side is filled with 
gilt tooled ornament. It seems probable therefore that the fact 
of its having belonged to the Sergeant-at-Arms — or at all events 
to his daughter — gave rise to the tradition of the Book having 
been the one used in the House of Commons. 

1 France?, daughter of Philip Rawson, died 1785. She was Brereton's second 
wife ; his first wife died at Bath in 1754, and he married his second wife in the 
same year. 


Sackvilla Brereton became, in 1783, the wife of Sir John Allen 
Johnson Walsh, Bart., of Ballykilcavan, Queen's County. The 
Lady Sarah Pole, to whom Sackvilla gave the book, was Lady 
Sarah Moore, daughter of Edward, 5th Earl of Drogheda. She 
married William Pole of Ballyfln, Queen's County, one of the 
trustees of Edward Brereton 's will, and died in 1780 without 

The next recorded owner of the Book is Lady Raglan, wife of 
Field Marshal Lord Raglan. She was Emily Harriet, daughter 
of William, Lord Maryborough, who succeeded his brother Richard r 
Marquess Wellesley, as 3rd Earl of Mornington in 1842. He had 
in 1781, before he was created Lord Maryborough, been left the 
Ballyfin estate by William Pole, the husband of the before- 
mentioned Lady Sarah Pole, and from him the book passed into 
the possession of his daughter, Emily Harriet, Lady Raglan. On 
her death in 1881 the book became the property of her daughters 
the Hon. Charlotte and Hon. Katherine Somerset who gave it to 
Llandenny Church. Finding that it was suffering from neglect 
and damp the present Lord Raglan obtained possession of it, 
presenting a modern Prayer Book in its stead, and gave it to the 
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. 

( 39 ) 

By St. John D. Seymour, B.D. 

During the 17th century there were in Ireland two men bearing 
the above name, father and son, both Divines. This is abun- 
dantly clear from the wills and the Irish Commonwealth records. 
Yet nearly all modern writers have treated " Faithful Teate " as 
if there were only one person so called, with the result that they 
have given composite biographies which are consequently full of 
inaccuracies. A striking example may be found in the article on 
Nahum Tate in the Dictionary of National Biography. It is the 
object of the present paper to distinguish between the two men, 
and to give a brief account of the career of each; in this work of 
selection we are greatly assisted by the fact that the elder man 
held the degree of Doctor of Divinity, and is nearly always so 
styled, while the younger proceeded no further than his M.A. 

Faithful Teate, the elder, entered Trinity College, Dublin, and 
took his M.A. Degree in 1624. He subsequently proceeded to 
D.D., but of this there appears to be no record in the College 
registers. He was ordained Deacon in 1619, and Priest in 1621, 
by the Bishop of Ferns, and held various preferments. In that 
fateful year 1641 we find him Vicar of Ballyhaise in Co. Cavan. 
He says himself in his deposition (sworn March 20th, 1641(2), 
that about the 23rd of October, ' ' fearing of a rebellion and seeing 
them begin to arise," he had put a large sum of money in his 
pocket, and set out for Dublin, partly with the intention of saving 
himself, and partly to give information to the Government of 
what was about to occur. He travelled in the company of Mr 
Aldrich, High Sheriff of Col Monaghan, and the latter's nephew, 
but on the journey between Virginia and Lough Eamor he was 
attacked by a gang of ruffians, ill-used, knocked down, and robbed 
of all his money. That Teate very nearly anticipated Owen 
O 'Connolly, and that he arrived in Dublin at or before the com- 
mencement of the outbreak, is proved by the postscripts to a letter 
written by the Lords Justices and Council on October the 25th, 
in which it was stated that " as we were making up these our 
letters, the Sheriff of the County of Monaghan and Doctor Teate 
being fled came unto us and informed us of much spoil committed 
by the rebels in the Counties of Monaghan and Cavan." During 
Teate 's absence his residence was attacked, his goods plundered, 
and his library destroyed : in all, his losses amounted to £3,930. 
His wife and children succeeded in -reaching Dublin, though they 
suffered extremely both from ill-usage as well as from the in- 


clemency of the weather, there being snow on the ground. The 
curious story is told of his wife finding a bottle of milk on the 
snow, by means of which the life of her infant was preserved. 
Two of his children died as a result of their terrible experiences. 1 

Some incidental points may here be noticed. On the 10th of 
December, Dr. Teate was directed to distribute £100 for the relief 
of the poor English lately robbed by the rebels in the north. On 
May 14th, 1642, he preached a funeral sermon in Christ Church 
Cathedral on Sir Charles Coote, the elder; this was not published 
until 1658, under the title " The Soldier's Commission, Charge 
and Reward. " It would also appear from a passage in the dedica- 
tion of his book " Nathaniel," that during the years of his stay in 
Dublin he had officiated as minister in one of the city churches, 
being supported there by the voluntary contributions of his 
congregation. 2 

But it is in connection with the Provostship of T.C.LX tha> 
Teate comes most prominently into notice at this period. The 
Provost, Richard Wassington, had fled to England at the out- 
break of the rebellion, upon which the Lords Justices and Council 
appointed Dr. Teate and Dr. Dudley Loftus as '" temporarii 
subrectores " until the Crown should nominate a new Provost. 
But the entire responsibility seems to have fallen upon Teate 's 
shoulders. The incident has been fully treated elsewhere, and 
can only be touched on here. The Fellows and Scholars petitioned 
against the continuance of Teate as Provost (though they did not 
name him expressly) on the grounds that all collegiate discipline 
had failed. He was summoned before the Lords Justices and 
Council to answer those charges on the 14th of June, 1642, and on 
the 25th of the following April that Body, acting on letters from 
the King, ordered him to " surcease any further direction or 
abode in the College," because in many ways he had manifested 
himself to be ill-affected towards ' ' the present established govern- 
ment under His Majesty's subjection. " Thus two distinct 
charges, of inefficiency, and of wrong politics, were brought 
against him : and both may have been true. That he was one of 
the Low Church party in Ireland, who were Puritan in doctrine 
and supporters of the Commonwealth as against the Crown, is 
made sufficiently clear by the fact that he subsequently accepted 
office as a State-paid " minister of the Gospel," both in England 
and Ireland, as many another Irish clergyman did. That he was 
learned, pious and earnest may be presumed, but these excellent 
qualities do not necessarily fit a man to have oversight of a com- 
munity of young men. It is to be noticed that the Fellows and 

1 Leslie, Armagh Clergy and Parishes, p. 238; Ormonde MSS. (Hist. 
MSS. Comm.) New Series, vol. ii, p. 6; Cavan Depositions (T. C. D. 
Library), vol. i, f. 78; vol. ii, f. 61. 

2 8. P. I. (Charles I), vol. ii, p. 768; Harris's Ware, vol. ii, p. 160. 



■Scholars said nothing about his religious or political views ; indeed 
they may well have been in accordance with" him on these points, 
for several of the men who signed the petition against him sub- 
sequently acted as " ministers of the Gospel " in Ireland under 
Fleetwood and Henr^y Cromwell. 3 

After this there is a gap of a few years, which at present cannot 
be filled. Dr. Teate re-appears in 1649 as minister of the 
Cathedral of New Sarum, to which place he may indeed have come 
at an earlier date. During his stay in Salisbury he occupied one 
of the canons' residences. As the Dean and Chapter had been 
suppressed a considerable amount of work fell upon his shoulders, 
for it is said of him that " he supplieth the ministerial office 
formerly supplied by the Dean and Prebendaries; he preacheth 
twice every Lord's Day." On October 2nd, 1650, the Commis- 
sioners for Plundered Ministers granted to the town of Sarum an 
augmentation of £400 for four ministers. Out of this sum Teate 
got £125; he also had £23 out of the impropriate rectory of 
Figheldean, and £16 from the rectory of Wanborough, besides 
other revenue. 4 

Shortly after this he removed as minister to East Greenwich, 
at the unanimous request of the people there. In April, 1653, 
and in November, 1655, he signed certificates of good character 
for persons who* were seeking positions under the government. 
While here he published the second of his two recorded writings, 
entitled, " Nathaniel, or an Israelite indeed. . . by Faithful 
Teate, D.D., Preacher of the Gospel in East Greenwich (London, 
1657)," which was dedicated, not merely to his present flock, but 
to his many friends and former " auditors " in Dublin. The book 
consists of a treatise in two parts, the contents of which had 
formerly been published in divers sermons to his parishioners at 
East Greenwich. 5 

But he was destined to make a further remove, this time to 
his native land, in which during his absence a radical change in 
the ecclesiastical system had been brought about. With the rise 
of the Commonwealth party to power, Episcopacy had been de- 
clared illegal, and the place of the Irish Church had been taken 
by a State-paid body of men who were officially designated 
ministers of the Gospel," but who included in their number 
many of the former beneficed Episcopalian clergy. Needless to 
say this body was Puritan in doctrine and Parliamentary in 
politics. Thus Dr. Teate could have had no ground for any scruples 
in accepting the call to return as a minister to Ireland. It appears 

3 Stubbs, History of University of Dublin, pp. 84, 411-413 ;• Mahaffy, 
An Epoch in Irish History, pp. 277-279. 

* W. A. Shaw, History of English Church, vol. ii. p. 546; W. H. Jones, 
Diocese of Salisbury, pp. 215-217. 

5 8. P. Domestic (Commonwealth), vol. v, p. 557; ibid., vol. ix, p. 413; 
Nathaniel, or an Israelite indeed (London, 1657). 


too, that he was specially, invited thither by Henry Cromwell, 
who took a keen practical interest in all that appertained to 
ecclesiastical matters, and was very desirous of bringing the best 
men into the country as preachers. Dr. Teate accordingly returned 
to Ireland about May, 1658 (as he then applied for £50 advance 
money), and on his arrival was directed to preach at Drogheda as 
from the 25th of the preceding March, at a salary of £200 per 
annum, the place being rendered vacant by the departure into 
England of the then minister, Michael Briscoe. Shortly after 
Teate was given an assistant, John Hook. 6 

In his will he mentions the following members of his family : — 
His wife,' Mary; his eldest son, Faithful (whom he terms 
clearke ") ; his second son, Joseph, and his youngest, Theo- 
philus; his daughters, Mary (then married to Thomas Parsons of 
London), and Agnes (then under 18). In addition there were 
two other children who had died in 1641. This will was made in 
1659, but the date of Teate 's death can be determined within 
a month by the following two extracts. A memorandum to his 
will states that on or about the 14th April, 1660, he made a 
codicil, " being weak of body but sound of mind "; while on the 
12th of the following May, it was ordered that money due to the 
late Dr. Teate should be paid to Mary and Faithful, evidently his 
widow and son. 7 

We must now follow the fortunes of Faithful Teate the 
younger, eldest son to the above, and father to Nahum Tate, the 
poet-laureate. He must have come up from Ballyhaise with his 
mother and the rest of the family, for, according to the Matricula- 
tion Book, he entered T.C.D. on November 4th, 1641, aged four- 
teen. As the letters M.A. occur after his name on the title-page 
of one of his books, it is to be presumed that he took that Degree 
in the same University, though of this there appears to be no 
record. As he is referred to as " clerk " and " presbyter," it is 
plain that he took orders of some kind. That these were Epis- 
copal is unlikely, for it would have been well-nigh impossible for 
him to have obtained them at the time when he would have been 
old enough to receive them, i.e., 1650. It is probable that he 
received his ordination from the Independents, a body that held 
a strong and popular position in Ireland under the Commonwealth. 

Be that as it may, he is first met with as " minister " at 
Sudbury in Suffolk. He was located there in 1651, for in that 
year the Ministers' Trustees had granted him an augmentation 
of £100 a year for the churches of St. Peter's and St. Gregory's, 
Sudbury, being £50 for each church. This had been subsequently 

6 Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vi, p. 552; vol. vii, pp. 144, 177; Common- 
wealth Books (Irish P. R. O.), A/ 22, f. 30; A/ 91, ff. 37, 45. 

7 Wills in Dublin Consistorial Collection (Irish P. R. O.) ; Common- 
wealth Boohs, A/25, ff. 223, 226. 



reduced to £60, but was again raised to the former sum in 
November, 1655, on account of his diligence in the ministry. In 
the following January, he petitioned for £54 a year allowed him 
out of Acton rectory (three miles from Sudbury) which had been 
sequestrated from Mr. Daniel, two-thirds of which sum had been 
paid, and one-third stopped in the Exchequer. In June, 1653, 
he was licenced to preach every Friday at Battlesden in turn 
with other ministers. During his stay at Sudbury he purchased 
an orchard which is mentioned in his will. 8 

Teate was a voluminous author, and as three of his books 
were certainly written during the period of his ministry at Sud- 
bury, it will not be out of place to consider them briefly here. 

The first of these is entitled " A Scripture-Map of the Wilder- 
ness of Sin and Way to Canaan. . . ."by Faithful Teate, M.A. 
(London, 1655). It is the sum of sixty-four lecture sermons 
preached at Sudbury. Bound up with it, though with separate 
title-page, is a poem " Epithalamium, or a Love Song of the 
Learning Soul." In the introduction to this he speaks of his 
" youth and preponderating aifection to verse." 

The next is a very small volume, " The Character of Cruelty 
in the Workers of Iniquity " (London, 1656), which is dedicated 
to Oliver Cromwell, and was occasioned by the persecutions in 
Piedmont. In this there is a second sermon, " The Cure of Con- 
tention among the People of God," dated 1655. That this book 
must be attributed to the younger Teate is clear from an advertise- 
ment at the end, which says: " There is extant by the same 
author, ' A Scripture-Map,' " &c, the book alluded to above. 

But the best known of his works, and the one that is of most 
interest on account of the literary achievements of his son, is his 
volume of poetry entitled " T'er Tria: or the Doctrine of the' 
Three Sacred Persons. . . ." by Faithful Teate, Preacher at 
Sudbury (London, 1658). This work is dedicated to Henry Crom- 
well, and consists of separate verses on the Trinity, and on other 
subjects mentioned in the title. The book shews in a decided 
manner the influence of George Herbert, and indeed, in another 
of his works he speaks in the highest possible terms of that poet. 

Like his father, the younger Teate returned to Ireland, and" 
took service there as a State-paid minister. He was directed to 
preach at Limerick from the 25th of March, 1659, at a yearly 
salary of £200, in succession to Claudius Gilbert. Whether he 
ever went to that city is not known, but in May, 1660, he was 
directed to continue his preaching in Dublin; he was located at 
St. Werburgh's, and the last reference to him in the Common- 
wealth Books is to the effect that he was to get. arrears of salary 

8 S. P. Domestic (Commonwealth), vol. ix, pp. 43, 149; Hodson's Eis- 
tory of the Borough of Sudbury, pp. 119-120. 


due on the 5th of February, 1661 (N.S.). On the 20th of the 
following June he was ordered to appear before the House of 
Lords to answer charges of having preached in Dublin contrary to 
the Declaration of Parliament. The trend of events is pretty 
obvious. In the previous May a Declaration had been accepted 
by the two Houses requiring all persons to conform to Church 
government by Episcopacy, and to the use of the Liturgy. It is 
evident that Teate could not conscientiously accede to this, and 
so was in consequence suspended from exercising ecclesiastical 
functions, like so many other " ministers of the gospel " in the 
country. 9 ^ . 

It would seem that Teate 's other three books fall within the 
period which commenced with his return to Ireland. The first of 
these is entitled " The Uncharitable Informer charitably informed 
that Sycophancy is a Sin." The work is a prose treatise against 
slandering tongues, informers, and tale-bearers. It was evidently 
intended to be an answer to some traducers now unknown. Had 
it been written a little later it would plainly have been aimed at 
the person who had informed against him for preaching, but the 
date forbids this, as the work w T as completed as early as 
December, 1659, and published in Dublin in the following year. 

Another book was entitled " Right Thoughts the Righteous 
Man's Evidence." This was not published, however, till 1669. 
That this must be referred to the younger Teate as author may be 
inferred from the following: — (1) He alludes to George Herbert 
in terms of the highest praise, and we have already shown that the 
" Ter Tria " was influenced by that poet; (2) he mentions his 
" old neighbours at Colchester, where the plague," &c, while we 
find a similar allusion to the plague in that town in the epistle 
-dedicatory, and on p. 15, of the " Scripture-Map." His last 
book was an octavo volume, entitled " Meditations " (Dublin, 
1672); this is mentioned by Ware, but there does not appear to 
"be an extant copy. 

He made his will on the 12th of July, 1664, in which he styles 
himself " of Dublin, clearke," and states that he was then " in 
perfect health, but intending speedily a journey into England." 
In it he mentions his wife, Katherine ; his sons in the order of 
their age, Faithful, Nahum, Joseph, and Theophilus; his daughters 
in similar order, Mary, Fidelia, and Ann. At this time all his 
sons were under 21, and his daughters under- 18. Two allusions 
to Sudbury are found. He made a second will on the 29th of the 
following September, in which he describes himself as " late of 
Dublin, now of Holyhead, and intending a voyage into Ireland." 
It would appear that he was dead before the 22nd of December, 
1666. What appears to be a third will of his, dated 1680, is in 

8 Commonwealth Boohs (Irish P. R. O.) A/22, f. 12 (a) ; A/25, ff. 228, 
338, 386; Journal of Irish House of Lords, vol. i, pp. 234, 236, 251. 



reality only the above document, which had to be re-copied at the 
later date,- a,s some goods then remained unadministered. 10 

Thus it is plain that there were two Faithful Teates, contem- 
poraries, and father and son. The former was a Doctor of 
Divinity, and in orders of the Irish Church. The latter proceeded 
no' further than M.A., had apparently non-Episcopal Orders, and 
was the father of Nahum Tate. It appears from the Matriculation 
Book that the future poet-laureate, together with his elder 
brother, Faithful (a third to bear the name) entered T.C.D. in 
the summer of 1668, aged respectively 16 and 17; both had been 
born in Dublin. 

10 Will in Dublin Consistorial Collection. On the authority of Calamy 
it is said that Teate was ejected from Winchester Cathedral in 1660. This 
is obviously an error. 



By Henry C. Drury, m.d., Member. 

[Read 29th April, 1919.] 

There has not been a catalogue of the later 19th Century Farthing 
Tokens of Ireland published, since that of Dr. Aquilla Smith 
which he compiled over fifty years ago*. 

Since that time several new pieces and numerous die varieties 
have been found. 

It is necessary, then, that these should be recorded, and an 
attempt is here made to include all those known, and their varie- 
ties of dies, in such a manner, that each individual specimen can 
be recognised, without the necessity of comparing it with another. 

This list has been compiled from that of Dr. Aquilla Smith, 
and various MSS. lists in the possession of collectors; also by 
comparison of the pieces in the collection of The Royal Irish 
Academy, and in private collections. Full descriptions of all the 
varieties are given from actual specimens, except Nos. 62 and 70, 
which are described from " rubbings." 

In some cases it is difficult to decide which side should be looked 
on as the obverse. That side bearing the issuer's name, would 
be considered by him the most important, even though he had 
placed upon the other, his Sovereign's bust, or other device. This 
consideration has been adopted as the rule in the following list, 
even though it varies from the practice of others, who have con- 
sidered the side bearing the bust of Queen Victoria, as the obverse 
in all cases — cf. Nos, 106 and 111. 

The following pieces: — Macartney, 6 Donegal Place, Belfast; 
Robertson, Bros., Corn Market, Belfast; Austins, 39 Westmore- 
land Street, Dublin; Henry & James, 82 Dame Street, Dublin; 
Gregory Kane, 69 Dame Street, Dublin; J. Large, 26 Lincoln 
Place, Dublin; Matthew, 38 Upper Saekville Street, Dublin; J. 
Mooney, 142 Lower Baggot Street, Dublin; and T. Smith, 21 
Eden Quay, Dublin; are not included, as on the authority, of Mr. 
Lionel Fletcher, they must be considered as ' ' trade tickets ' ' or 

checks," and not as tokens. 

In some cases dates of issue have been added in brackets. 
Those indicated by * are on the authority of the Rev. B. W. 



Adams, d.d., m.r.i.a., from a paper published by him in the 
Numismatic Chronicle, Supplt. to N.S. xvii., pp. 157-162. In a 
letter dated 22/6/1876 from Santry Rectory, to John Evans, he 
says: " The information has, nearly in every instance, been 
obtained direct from the issuers or their family." Those marked 
* * are on the authority of the Belfast Museum Catalogue. The 
addresses of the business houses are given where known, many 
being taken from articles which appeared anonymously, in The 
Bazaar, Exchange & Mart of 1886. 

I have to acknowledge much help given to me by Mr. Lionel 
Fletcher, who most kindly sent me many pieces from his own 
collection for my inspection, and has also supervised this list. 

H. C. Drury, 
January, 1919. 

ARMAGH. (Co. Armagh). 


(lines 1, 2, 4, 5 curved) 


(1850)* (lines 1, 4, 6 curved) 

2. 0: 'TEA WINE & SPIRIT' MERCHANT = R? M5CULLA } ARMAGH (line 1 Curved) 

(within a circle)* (line 2 curved). 

The issuer was in business here in 1856. 

ATHLONE. (Co. Roscommon). 

3. 0: burgess & c? drapers & mercers. = church st | athlone | &MAINST I 


R: church sT | athlone | main sT | moate j & | william ST | tullamore 
(lines 1, 6, 7 curved) 

Thomas Burgess and Co. (1839)* 

4. 0: p. maxwell J grocer | & ironmonger | * church sT * [ athlone 

(lines 1, 5 curved) 
R: victoria regin a = Head of Queen Victoria. 

$5. 0: james jones ballymacarrett = Head of Queen Victoria. 

R: THE ballymacarrett grocery & HABERDASHERY * = establishment 

(curved). Below, a balance. 
E: Milled. 

His address was 111 and 113 Bridge-end, and was there as late as 1870. 
BALLYMENA. (Co. Antrim). 

"6. 0: GREENE & SINCLAIR * BALLYMENA * = A hat. 


Issuers were in Mill Street in 1852** (1845)* 


BARRACKTON. (Co. Cork). 


(lines 1 & 5 curved 3 & 4 not parallel) 
B: the china man = A china man holding a branch in his left hand. 

Barrackton was a suburb of Cork City. 

BELFAST. (Co. Antrim). 

8. 0: john arnott & c» | silk | mercers | drapers | &c. (line I, curved) 


Issuers commenced business in No. 26 High St. about J any. 1840 when 
the token was probably struck * * 
See also No 43. 


Issuers moved into Bridge St. in 1841. ** 

10. 0: JOHN ARNOTT & C? | SILK | MERCERS | HABERDASHERS | &C. (line 1, CUrved)> 

This would appear to have been struck from an altered die. 

10a. 0: As No. 10. 

B: Similar to No. 10, but with a period after ' & ' but not after ' 9.' 

11. 0: john arnott & c'J | silk | mercers | drapers | &c. (line 1 curved) 
B: payable in Belfast & cork * = Head of Queen Victoria. 

12. 0: FERRAR &COMP1 | SILK | MERCERS | HABERDASHERS | &C. (lines l&4:CUrved} 


(lines 1 & 4 curved) 
B: As No. 12. 

14. 0: "WiL FOSTER' I LINEN | DRAPER | & HABERDASHER (lines 1 & 4 Curved) 
B: -W'. 1 ' FOSTER' I LINEN | DRAPER ] & HABERDASHER (lines 1 & 4 Curved) 

Issuer was in 13 James St. Belfast in 1835 * * 


* merchant * | 14 | high st. | Belfast (]st & two last lines curved) 
B: victoria queen of great Britain =Head of Queen Victoria. 


16. 0: b. hughes belfast=one | 'farthing " | (line 2 curved) 
B: -railway- bakery = A sheaf of wheat. 

Issued by Bernard Hughes, 71 Donegal Street. (1847 or 1848)* The- 
bakery was also known as Donegal Street Bakery and was adjacent 
to the Bailway Station. 

17. 0: Similar to No. 16, but the dots are further from the beaded circle ; in the 

last they are touching the circle. 
B: Similar but a different wheatsheaf. 

18. 0: -B. M«. GLADE* WHOLESALE & FAMILY GROCER = — 97 — | YORK ST j 




19. 0: b. M f : glade | 34 edward sT | Belfast, (lines 1 & 3 curved) 
B: b. MV glade | wine & spirit j merchant, (lines 1 & 3 curved) 


20. 0: CHA ?. MH GLADE | 34 | EDWARD S }'. \ & | 71 SMITHFIELD | * BELFAST ' | 

(lines 1, 5, 6 curved) - 
The dot is under the space between 7 and 1 . The top of ' E ' of 
" Edward " lines with the first limb of ' H.' 


dealer | grocer & c :. (lines 1, 2, 6, & 7, curved) 
He was in business at this address in 1856. 

"21. 0: Similar to No 20, but " edward s t . " higher, the top of ' e ' lines with the 
middle of ' H,' and the dot is directly under the ' 7.' The ' 3 ' of ' 34 ' 
is square topped whereas in No 20 it is round topped. 
R: As No. 20. 

22. 0: c & p. m«:glade | 34. edward st | & | 71 .smithfield | Belfast 

(lines 1, 2, 4, 5, curved) 


Belfast (lines 1, 2, 5 curved, 3 double curved) 


(lines 1, 2, 3 & 5 curved) 


(line 2 curved) 

24. 0: Similar to No. 23, but there is a line under the ' o ' of " mC " instead of a dot, 

and no comma after " grocers." The lettering of the name and of 
"belfast" is smaller, and that of "wine & spirit" larger. The 
letters have no ceriphs. 
R: Similar to No. 23, but there is a period before " payable " and after " s T ." 
The letters of " one farthing " have no ceriphs. 

25. 0: Similar to No. 24, but the 'G ' of " grocers" is under 'c ' and over the last 

limb of < n ' whereas in No 24 it is over the 4 e ' of " wine." 
R: Same as No. 24. 

26. 0: .Mckenzie bro5. Belfast =may s'£ 
R: . brass founders . | patent | axle J makers | & J gas fitters 

(lines 1 & 6 curved) 

The 4 & ' is over the space between ' 1 ' & ' t.' (1852)* 

Malcolm McKenzie. was originally at 25 May Street. May Street, 
Brass Foundry, 55 May Street. 

27. 0: As No. 26. 

R: Similar to No. 26, but the ' & ' is over the first ' t.' 

28. jO: ' Mackenzie & Mcmullen- silks & shawls=scotch | house 

R: -cheap drapery- warehouse* 36* high- s£— Shamrock Rose & Thistle. 

29. 0: Similar to No. 28, but the ' o ' of " mCmullen " is smaller and has a dot 

instead of a line below it. 
R: Similar to No. 28, but without the full-stop after " high." 

30. 0: Similar to No. 29, but reads " makenzie." 
R: From the same die as No. 28. 

Struck also in Brass. 

51. 0: -rob! makenzie • silks & shawls =scotch | house 

R: -cheap drapery -warehouse* 36* high' si = Shamrock Rose & Thistle. 

The leaf of the thistle points to the left. The lower end of the thistle 
> stem is spread over ' 36.' 



32. O: Same as No, 31. 

R: Similar to No. 31, but the thistle leaf is nearer the rose, and the bottom of 
the stem is pointed, over ' 3.' 

33. 0: Similar to No. 31, but the centre closer, and further from the legend. 

R: Similar to No. 31, but the thistle leaf points to the right, and the ends of 
the stems are turned to the left over ' se.' 

34. 0: Similar to No. 33, ' scotch ' terminating a little higher. 

R: Similar to Nos. 31 & 33. The thistle leaf is not pointed, one stem terminates- 
over the dot, and the other over the ' 3.' 

35. 0: Mackenzie & saunders. Belfast. *fc- =Shamrock and thistle. 


' (lines 1 & 5 curved) 



36. 0: CUNNINGHAM & C? j TEA | MERCHANTS [ CARRICKFERGUS (lines I, 3 & 4 Curved} 
R: CUNNINGHAM & C° | WINE | AND | SPIRIT j MERCHANTS (lines 1 & 5 CUTved} 



carrickfergus (lines 1 & 6 curved) 
R: As No. 36. (1852)* 
Issuers were in High Street from 1852 to 1881'** 

CLONMEL (Co. Tipper ary). 

38. 0: peter m. l : swiney & c? abbey s';; clonmel == Head of Queen Victoria. 


Was in business in 1846. 



R: A scissors and foot-rule, with below, one | farthing (line 2 curved) 

CLOYNE. (Co. Cork). 

40. 0: & R: r. swanton, | woollen | draper | & hatter, | cloyne. 

(lines 1 & 5 curved) 

Richard Swanton of 57 Patrick Street. (1845)* 

COLERAINE. (Co. Londonderry). 

41. 0: rob'£ small | merchant | coleraine (lines 1 & 3 curved). 

R: 'PAYABLE AT- CHURCH-Si = 34 & 35. 

He was in business there in 1856. 

42. 0: As No. 41. 

R: genuine warehouse = A caddy with " tea " inscribed on it. 

CORK. (Co. Cork). 

43. 0: arnott & c? | silk | mercers | drapers | &c. (line 1 curved) 
R: payable at cork = Head of Queen Victoria. 

44. 0: J. arnott & co I % I silk mercers | drapers | &c. (line 1 curved\ 
R: payable in cork & Belfast. =one | farthing 

John Arnott cfc Co General Drapers, 52 <£ 53 Patrick St. 




=Head of Unicorn with 5-pointed star on neck, and underneath, 
14 | Patrick s£ cork | (line 2 curved) 
R: Newport coal stores fish-sT cork= A two masted ship in dock, horse and 
cart alongside and men, one carrying a sack, buildings in background. 
Ex: 1842. 

' Newport Coal Stores ' refers to Monmouthshire Coal. 
Silver proofs and gilt specimens of this occur. 

46 0: Similar to No. 45, but " 82 Patrick sT- " instead of " 14." 
R: As No. 45. 

Silver proofs, and gilt specimens of this occur. 

47 0: J. c & C2 | late | todd & cl | cork 


John Carmichael & Co. (late W. Todd & Co.) 18 & 19 Patrick St., 
General Drapers, Carpet and Floorcloth Warehouse. 


(lines 1 & 2 curved) 

R. E. CLEBURNE, | CLOTHIER, | N? 9, | GRT GEORGE ST | CORK, (line 1 Curved) 

Issuer was Edward Cleburne. (1848)* 


silk, (in two circZes) =merchI2 I 1835 


N os. 42, 43, 44 Great George St. (1 835)* 

50. 0: da R: william | fitz gibbon | and c? | merchants | cork 

This occurs in lead. . 


(lines 1 & 5 curved, 2 double curved) 

The second ' I ' of ' spdbit ' is under the second limb of ' N ' in 4 denis ' 
R: Similar, but the second ' i ' of ' spirit ' is under the middle of ' n,' and ' st ' 
is nearer the margin. 

Issuer in business in or about 1847. 

52 0: & R: Similar to No. 51, but " s T . " is nearer the margin, as on R: of No. 51. 

53. 0: Similar to No. 51, but the second ' i' of ' spirit ' is under the first limb of 'n.' 
R: Similar to No 51. 

54. 0: Joseph helen cork = a leaf of Shamrock. 
R: one I farthing | token 

Issuer a pawnbroker at 39 Douglas Street in 1847. 

55. 0: -timothy lynch • 87 north m 1 ? sT cork = fancy bread [ & j biscuits 

within a circle (line 1 curved) 
R: grocery | confectionary | and j sugar works 

Issuer was in North Main Street in 1847. 

56. 0: LYONS & C2 | TEA coffee [ & SUGAR | importers j & dealers I CORK 

(lines 1, 2, 5, 6 curved) 
R: Similar. 

James Lyons, Tea Dealer, 141 Barrack St and 9 North Main St. in 1852. 

57. 0: e. d. mahony, | 62, | north main sT | cork, (lines 1 & 4 curved) 
R: TRIMMING worsted & COTTON warehouse + = and^wool store 

Issuer Edward Duke Mahony, in business in 1847 . 


58. O: CORK | MONT DE piete | token 

R: A three masted ship in full sail between two tall towers. 

This was a Pawn Office. 

59. 0: 'JOHN o'donoghues* general warehouse = — o — 1 cork | — o — 
R: 49 great george's street- * • = — o — | cork | — o — 

60. 0: ogilvie and bird cork * = one | farthing | 1838 within a fine 

circular line. 

R: drapers and silkmercers * = payable | at | 48 & 49 | Patrick s* 
within a fine circular line. 


R: Head of Queen Victoria. 

Of 37 Shandon Street in 1847. 


R: Head of Queen Victoria. 

63. 0: Rogers | paper | hangings | cork (lines 1 & 4 curved) 

R: painting I plumbing | &'i | 82 georges sT (lines 1 & 4 curved) 
Issuer Michael William Rogers was in business in 1847. 


(lines 1 & 6 curved) 
R: Vulcan leaning on a sledge which rests on an anvil block. 

Of 67 Patrick Street in 1844. This is struck in brass. 


(lines 1 4 & 5 curved) 


COVE. (Co. Cork). 

66. 0: swanton & c? I drapers, | cove, (lines 1 & 3 curved) 
R: Head of Queen Victoria 


DALKEY (Co. Dublin). 
See No. 113. 



(lines 1, 5 & 6 curved) 


farthing (lines 1, 4, 5 & 8 curved) 

A spray of 3 leaves of shamrock at each side of the words, ' my new.' 
Originally in Scotch Street, later the " New Establishment " was in Market Street. 


DROGHEDA. (Co. Louth). 

68. 0: todd, laing & c<>. fair drogheda. = A building. 

R: wholesale] & retail | linen & woollen | drapers | mercers, | hosiers, 
hatters, I haberdashers, I outfitters, I & house I FURNISHERS. 


(lines 4, 6, 7, 8 straight, the rest curved, 5 double curved) 
Issuers were in business in 1846. 



DUBLIN. (Co. Dublin). 

69. 0: THE TEA ESTABLISHMENT DUBLIN = A building, below it; ANDREWS & C2 

and to the left h. to the right b 

R: andrews's I famous | 4 /* | tea (The words in curved lines) (1834)* 


(lines 1, 2, 4, 5 curved) 
R: victoria dei gratia = Head of Queen Victoria. 


71. 0: Similar to No. 70, but reading ' deal^ ' 
R: Similar to No. 70. 

This variety is struck on a smaller and thinner flan than No. 70. 

72. 0: - byrne & co • 6 & 7 granby row Dublin = Head of Queen Victoria. 

(The nose is arched) 


(lines 1 & 5 curved) 


73. 0: Similar to No. 72. The head is a little different, the nose being slightly 

retrousse instead of arched, and the back hair projects in three separate 
R: As No. 72. 

74. 0: cannock white & c? Dublin & cork = Head of Queen Victoria. 

DUBLIN (1847)* 

76. 0: "cannock white & c? *14 henry sT Dublin = Head of Queen Victoria. 
R: Similar to No. 74, but a dot instead of a line under the ' r' of * n? ' 

76. 0: -X- cannock white & c° ¥: Dublin (small lettering) = Three leaves of 

Shamrock. The stalk of the Shamrock, points to the ' I ' in ' Dublin.' 
R: victoria queen of great Britain = Head of Queen Victoria. 

77. 0: • cannock white & c ( l ■ Dublin (large lettering) = Three leaves of sham- 

rock. The stalk of the shamrock points to ' b ' in ' Dublin.' 
R: Same as No. 76. 


(lines 1 & 5 curved) 
R: victoria begin a = Head of Queen Victoria. 

cf. No. 96. (1847)* 

79. 0: -GEORGE s, fitz-hugh " 9 college s? = A rose. 
R: victoria regina. = Head of Queen Victoria. 


80. 0: michael killeen woollen draper = Head of Queen Victoria. 




R: A building, above it Dublin, below opened may | 1853 


82. 0: o'grady clinton & c? * drapers * = 19 & 20 | henry s: | Dublin 
R • may Ireland flourish = A harp of 12 strings, beneath a spray of shamrock. 


83. 0: *p. J. plunkett leather merchant • Dublin = Head of Queen Victoria, 

below it 1 aungier— sT (curved) 
R: importer | of ] french & English | leather, | shoe | trimmings | &c. | 


Also in Brass. {1847)* (lines 1 & 8 curved) 

84. 0: n? 49 south king street Dublin = the | porter | barm | bakery 

R: Thompson & g? I n? 49 I south kings': I >fc I Dublin (lines I & 5 curved) 


85. 0: n? 49 south king street ■ Dublin = the | porter | barm | bakery 
R: cork bakery | n? 49 | south king sT J J Dublin (lines 1 & 5 curved) 

86. O: 38 Stephens green north Dublin = the | porter | barm | bakery 
R: cork bakery | | south king s! | ^ | Dublin (lines 1 & 5 curved) 

87. 0: • scott bell & c2 • Wellington quay Dublin = successors | to j 

harvies & c° (lines 1 & 3 curved) 
The ' o ' of ' co ' in the outer legend is distinctly oval. 
R: • silk mercers * drapers & hosiers = Shamrock, Rose & Thistle in group. 
The address was 2 to 5 Wellington Quay and 1 Essex Street. (1852)* 

88. 0: Similar to No. 87, but larger lettering in name, and smaller in address. 

' to ' lines with ' o ' of ' co ' instead of above it. The ' o ' of ' co.' is 
nearly circular. 
R: As No. 87. 

89. 0: • talty, murphy & co. 9 & 10, henry st, Dublin = Head of Queen Victoria, 
R: trimmings, | haberdashery, j Berlin wools | hosiery, | shirts, gloves 

& c : (lines 1 & 5 curved) (1849)* 


The ' g ' of ' farthing ' is in line with the space after ' s T .' 


cork, | or | limerick ' (lines I & 5 curved) 
The ' l ' of the central ' limerick ' is opposite the first ' d ' in ' todd ' 
and the period after it, is opposite the 4 M.' The ' r ' of ' cork ' & of 
' or ' is above the level of ' o.' (1832)* 

91. 0: Same as No. 90, except that the letters are blurred as if struck from a much 

used die. 

R: Same as No. 90. 

92. O: Similar to No. 90, but the centre terminates further from the outer legend 

and is lower, the ' g ' of ' farthing ' being opposite the ' d ' of ' Dublin.' 
R: Similar to No. 90, but after ' co,' there is a comma only. The ' l ' of the 
central ' limerick' is oposite to the last ' d ' of ' todd,' and the period 
after it, is opposite the first limb of ' E.' The ' R ' of ' OR ' is below the 
level of ' o.' 

/93. O: Same as No. 92. 

R: Similar to No. 92, but the period after the central ' limerick ' is opposite 
the « m.' 



94. 0: Similar to No. 90, but the centre is slightly lower, and the comma has a 

different slope. 

R: Similar to No. 93, but the *b' of the central 8 cork' is directly under 'l' of 
' Dublin ' instead of under ' bl,' and the comma after the outer 1 cork ' 
has an extreme slope to the right. 

Silver proof of this exists. 

95. 0: todd burns & Co. Dublin = Head of Queen Victoria. 


96. 0: W 5 . r . TOMBLINSON I N? 1 j FIT Z WILLI AM [ LANE | + DUBLIN + (lines 1 & 5, 


R: victoria regina = Head of Queen Victoria. 

Issuer was a Vintner. Cf.No. 78. (1856)* 

97. 0: Similar to No. 96, but the ' a ' of ' lane ' comes below the ' wi ' instead 

of immediately below ' w ' and the second ' l ' of 4 fitzwtlliam ' is 
above the level of the first ' l.' 
R: As No. 96, but with i.e. p. below the bust. 

Same R. die as No. 123. The initials are those of John C. Varices, of 
The Coombe, Dublin 

i. 0: WEBB & C2 | LINEN & WOOLLEN | DRAPERS | 10 11 & 12 | CORN MARKET j 

Dublin (lines 1, 2, 5 & 6 curved) 
R: victoria queen of great Britain = Head of Queen Victoria 


ENNISCORTHY. (Co. Wexford). 


(lines 1 & 5 curved) 
R: victoria regina = Head of Queen Victoria. 

GALWAY. (Co. Galway). 

100. 0: ' GEORGE FARQU ARSON & C? ■ GALWAY == 1839 


Issuer had his business in William Street. 



102. O: i. fortune & c°. galway = Head of Queen Victoria. 

R: i. fortune & c.° | linen | & | woollen | drapers, | hosiers | hatters 


Also in Brass. (lines 1, 2, 9 & 10 curved) 


warehouse (in curved lines) 




GORT. (Co. Galway). 

105. 0: john boland | • gort • | * (line 1 curved) 


(lines 1 & 5 curved) 
The shop under the same name still existed in 1910. 


ISLANDMAGEE. (Co. Antrim). 
See No. 37. 

KILLARNEY. (Co. Kerry). 
106. O: c. a. o'keeffe main st., killarney = Head of Queen Victoria. 
R: woollen & linen draper = hatter | & [ hosier. 


R: • commercial warehouse "1,2, & 3, henn si = Head of Queen Victoria. 

108. 0: ' M ( . sweeny & o'keeffe late I. welply & 90 • = GENERAL drapers 
R: * commercial house * killarney = Head of Queen Victoria. 

Note: James Welply issued the Macroom Tokens 125 & 126. 

109. 0: m c . : sweeny | & o kieffe, | late i. welply <fc e? | general [ drapers. 
jB; commercial | house, | n° 1, 2, & 3, | henn st! [ killarney. 

(lines 1 & 5 curved) 

110. O: • sweeny & o'keefe • general drapers &c. 

= — o — I KILLARNEY [ — o — 

= — O — I KILLARNEY J — O— 

KILMALLOCK. (Co. Limerick). 


R: Head of Queen Victoria. 

KINGSTOWN. (Co. Dublin). 

112. 0: • Harrison & c£i ' tea • is the best = Shamrock Rose & Thistle. 


J. bewley (lines 1 & 3 curved) 


113. 0: Same as No. 112 


(lines 1 & 3 curved) 


LIMERICK. (Co. Limerick). 


R: A wreath of Shamrock = 1838. 
E: Milled. 

115. Similar to No. 114, but E plain. 


6 | Robert | street | limerick (lines 1 & 5 curved) 
R: one farthing 1832 = A spinning wheel. 


R: Head of Queen Victoria. 

118. 0: mCardell and bourke limerick. 1843 = gunpowder | merchants 
r: trimming, worsted, & stationary = warehouse | 3, rutland 

119. 0: payable at the mont de piete limerick * = Figure of a building with 

central tower, flagstaff with flag to right, on top. Ex.: 1837. 
R: one [ farthing [ * • ■* J surrounded by a myrtle wreath. 




(line 2 curved) 
B: Head of Queen Victoria. Ex. 1846. 


(lines 1 & 3 curved) 
B: exhibition palace Ex: London | 1851 = Figure of a building. 


(lines 1, 2, 4, 5 curved) 
B: sources of a nation's wealth = A shuttle, below it a plough. 

LONGFORD. (Co. longford). 

123. 0: john maxwell | — • — [ merchant | — . — | • longford . 

(lines 1 & 5 curved) 
B: victoria regina = Head of Queen Victoria, and I. CP. below the bust. 
Same B. die as No. 97. (1852)* 

LOUGHREA. (Co. Galway). 

124. 0: james o'flynn loughrea. (Centre blank) 
B: A wreath of Shamrock — 1842. 

Issuers business in Main Street. 

LURGAN. (Co. Armagh). 
Same as No. 1. q.v. 

MACROOM. (Co. Cork). 

125. 0: & B: james welply merchant = maceoom 

126. 0: james welply | meechant, [ MACROOM' | 1845. (lines 1, 2 & 4 curved) 
B: victoria house macroom = Head of Queen Victoria. 

127. 0: Similar to No. 126, but the ' j ' of ' james ' almost touches ' m.' There is 

a comma after ' macroom.' The centre is not struck up. 

B: Similar to 126, but the head is larger, there is a star before and after 
' macroom,' and the lettering is more spread. 

MALLOW. (Co. Cork). 

128. 0: Robert evans | and | company | mallow | 1847 (line 1 curved) 
B: woollen drapers | silk | mercers | and | hatters (line 1 curved) 

Business was in Main Street. 



(lines 1, 2, 4, & 5 curved) 
B: linen & woollen draper mitchelstown = A sheep suspended in a sling. 

MOATE. (Co. Westmeath). 
See No. 3. 


MONAGHAN. (Co.-Monaghan). 

130. 0: * f. adams monaghan X (Centre plain.) 
R: A wreath of Shamrock. (Centre plain.) 

Francis Adams, Linen-draper, of Market Square in 1846. 

NEWCASTLE. (Co Limerick). 

131. 0: Florence o'connell * Newcastle * = merchant [in a curved line) 
R: -55- irish woollen warehouse bridge sS = Head of Queen Victoria. 

132. Similar to No. 131, with smaller stars on Obv., the star on the left coming 

midway between ' m ' of ' merchant ' & ' n ' of ' Newcastle ' instead 
of being close to ' m.' 




(lines 1, 7, 8 curved.) 


iron merchants (lines 1. 2, 6 curved) 
Bowman Brothers were in business at High Street in 1856. 



iron merchants (lines 1 , 2, 6 curved) 

The ' h ' of ' hardware ' is opposite the ' R ' of ' iron ' & the ' e ' 
opposite ' ts ' of ' merchants.' 

135. Similar to No. 134, but ' hardware ' is higher, and there is less space between 

' LEATHER ' & ' ROPE.' 

QUEENSTOWN. (Co. Cork). 


R: Head of Queen Victoria. 

Issuer's address was 13 tfc 14 New Square. (1849)* 

SKIBBEREEN. (Co. Cork). 



138. 0: p. \ ickery skibbereen = Two keys crossed, below, hardware | house 
R: * trimming * | and | fancy | warehouse (lines 1 & 4 curved) 

Issuer Paul Vickery of Main Street. (1845)* 


R: full weight underneath Beam-scales, with loaf putting down the beam. 

The business was in Main Street. (1853)* 

TIPPERARY. (Co. Tipperary). 


tipperary (line 4 curved) 


It is probable that the issuer was Morrissey, a draper, of 52 East Main 
St., in 1856. 



TRALEE. (Co. Kerry). 

141. 0: J. HANRAHAN & CO. | VICTORIA | HOUSE | TRALEE. (lines 1 & 4 curved) 

142. 0: * J. lumsden & c? * I hatters | tralee (lines 1, & 3 curved) 

B: drapers and sdlkmercers * = 33 | DENNY street (within a Circle) 
• (1838) 

143. 0: * LUMSDEN ORR & C? * TRALEE = ONE ] FARTHING | 1839 

(within a circle) 


(within a circle) 

144. 0: * m. h. reardon * tralee = one | farthing | 1839 (within a circle) 


(within a circle) 

TULLAMORE. (King's County). 
See No. 3. 

WATERFORD. (Co. Waterford). 

145. 0: CONWAY carleton • waterford • = DRAPER 
B: A wreath of shamrock = 1841 

He had his business at 10 Little Georges Street, and King St. 
Also struck in brass. 

146. 0: conway carleton waterford The centre blank. The lettering is much 

smaller than that of No. 145. 
B: As No. 145. 


(in two circles) = one j farthing 

Issuer was in business at 93 Custom House Quay in 1846. 

148. 0: * j. w. delahunty * waterford = draper | and | hatter 
B: Head of Queen Victoria. 

James W. Delahunty was in business at 1 Broad Street, in 1846. 

149. 0: David holden j woollen draper j 1, broad st | waterford. 

(lines all curved) 

B: established 1835. = A bale of goods, on it inscribed, the J new cloth 

150. 0: w. kirkwood i draper | & ] silk mercer | waterford 

(lines 1 & 5 curved) 
B: Front elevation of a house. 

151. 0: m? leer & kelly * drapers * (centre plain.) 

B: NATIONAL | WOOLLEN HOUSE | QUAY, | WATERFORD. (lilies 1 & 4 Curved) 

Address 53 Merchant's Quay. 



(lines 1 , 3 & 5 curved) 


goods with on it inscribed m & co | w 

Issued by John Hilling & Co. 




154. 0: R. ho are [ grocer & | tea dealer (line 1 curved) below a sugar-loaf 

with on it inscribed ^ between two caddies, one inscribed, hyson 
' the other, sou | chong 
R: ironmonger | & \ draper (line 1 ctirved) below a roll of cloth inscribed 
irish, also a sickle and a hay-rake. 

155. 0: grocery | and I spirit trade 


This is probably a Dublin Token. 

Plate II.] 

[To face page 61. 



Interesting Find near Tulsk. — While quarrying sand in the 
Castleisland Hills, near Tulsk, County Eoscommon, workmen in 
the employment of the Congested Districts Board found seven 
large cannon balls. They were of solid iron, and are believed to 
Ijave lain there since 1640. — From the Irish Times, December 
29th, 1919. 

Note on Old Mantel-piece at Ballinguile, Donnybrook.— In the 

December, 1919, number of this Journal will be found a paper 
which I read before the Society entitled " An Old House 
at Donnybrook," with which it was intended that an illustration 
of the mantel-piece which is in the dining room, should be 
printed. It was, however, found impossible to obtain a good 
photograph at the time. I have now been able to obtain one, 
which is attached to this note. It is wonderful how this beautiful 
relic of a by-gone age escaped injury through the various changes 
in fortune which this house has undergone, as, since writing my 
paper, above referred to, I have discovered that the house was 
used as a hospital at the time of the Famine, and was sub- 
sequently set in tenements for many years, until the time of its 
repair about 1870 or 71. When I came into possession in 1873 this 
mantel-piece was covered with about half an inch of old paint 
to which I feel sure it owes its present good condition. The porch 
which stands in front of the house and which is of about the same 
period originally stood in front of a house in Kildare Street, on 
the south side of Leinster House, and was taken down to provide 
a site for the National Library, and was purchased by me from the 
Contractor and removed to Ballinguile where, as stated above, it 
now stands in front of the old house. H. Bantry White. 

Straw Head-dresses. — Head Constable Lyons, Fellow, has sent to 
the Society two. straw head-dresses used at a wren-boy celebration 
at Newport, Co. Mayo, on St. Stephen's Day, 1919. "The 
coronal arrangement at the top of these helmets seems intended 
to represent the sun. Some helmets are not so° elaborate in this 
particular, as they have but a single loop which perhaps is intended 
to represent the disc of the sun. There is at least another type 
of head-dress which is both corselet and helmet, and which ter- 
minates in a cone above the head, entirely enclosing the upper 

( 61 ) 


part of the body. I was unable to get one of these, as in the 
frenzy of the occasion all the regalia are generally destroyed before 
the end of the ceremonies and in the licence of the occasion little 
attention is paid to a request even when supported by backsheesh. 
But the wearer of this corslet -helmet dress is, I believe, called 
" the fool." There is also an " oinsheac " (she-fool) who is dressed 
with absurd and trivial gaudiness. The " oinsheac " is really 
a male, who acts the part of a, famale, and the pair maintain 
during the celebrations an interchange of grotesque endearments. 
Rude dancing is almost continuously practised by the whole gang. 

The inclusion of a male and a sham female in mock conjugal 
union se ; ems to imply the survival of a sexual rite, a ceremony of 
fructification. The straw head-dresses represent better than most 
simple textures the colour of the sun. This celebration is observed 
as a pretext to collect backsheesh and some of the proceeds is 
spent in drink in the evening of the festival. The apportioning of 
the proceeds often gives the slight pretext needed for a row. 

Two or three generations ago the celebration was more decent 
and orderly and it had not entirely lost its primeval seriousness. 
The whole parish zealously betook itself on Christmas Day to hunt 
the wren. When one of these birds was obtained, it was placed on 
a gaudily-decorated holly bush, and carried on the 26th at the head 
of a solemn procession. Contributions were collected and ex- 
pended much as at present, but with more solemnity and decency. 
If the processionists of two parishes met, a bloody fight was the 
result, as each parish fought for the honour of its own " wran." 

The song used by the processionists when soliciting contributions 
is : — 

The wran, the wran 
The king of all birds 
St Stephen's Day he was 
Caught in the furze 
Although he is little, 
His honour is great. 
Then up, landlady, 
And give him a thrate. 
Dreolm, Dreoh'n 
Where's your nest? 
'Tis in the tree 
That I love best. 
Between a holly 
And ivy tree, 
W 7 here none of the birds 
Can meddle with me. 



A more modem barbarism adds; or rather incorporates in the 
song : — 

Up with the kettle, 
And down with the pan; 
A pinny or tuppence 
To bury the wran. 

Nowadays there is no general practical celebration. The obser- 
vance is performed by a great many knots of small boys and rude 
young men, and the celebration, though tolerated, is regarded with 
disfavour. But the grandfathers of the present generation took 
the matter seriously as a vital part of the Christmas celebrations 
and it was a great honour for a parish contingent to capture the 

" wran " of a rival parish and bear him in triumph with their 

own. " 

It is noteworthy that the rhymes sung by the wren-boys are and 
have been in English, even in places like Newport where Irish was 
the prevailing speech amongst the people. 

{Communicated by Hon. Gen. Secretary). 

Rathbawn Souterrain. — An interesting subterranean chamber, 
and passage has been recently discovered in the townland of 
Eathbawn, near Moynalty, Co. Meath, close to the border of Co. 
Cavan. While engaged in the erection of a new fence through 
a large pasture field, the workmen came across a few large, flat 
stones, which, when removed, exposed a deep, circular cavity. 
The owner of the field accompanied me to the spot, and I made 
an examination of the cavity. The chamber is hemispherical, 
and is 1\ feet in height, and 13 feet in diameter. It is built 
entirely of rough rounded stones, and is covered on top with a 
large flag-stone. A passage 3| feet high, and 2| feet wide leads 
from the chamber in an easterly direction. I explored this 
passage with the help of a candle, and found that after leading 
25 feet it suddenly curved, and after passing a few feet farther 
it narrowed, and curving upwards, apparently towards the surface, 
was terminated by a large stone. 

The floor of the chamber was dry, and revealed nothing of 
antiquarian interest. Both chamber and passage are constructed 
of the same type of stone as is found in the locality. The spot 
where the chamber was discovered is situated on top of a small 
hill, but there is nothing which would lead one to suspect the 
presence of such a chamber. The covering stone is about a foot 
below the surface of the ground, and it seems to have hitherto 
escaped detection during tillage operations. 


There is no legend, or tradition in the neighbourhood to 
account for the cavity. 

Philip O'Connell, M.Sc. (Fellow). 

Nevinstown Cross near Navan. — This wayside cross has been 
mentioned in a former volume of the Journal, 1 and more 
fully described in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish 
Academy for 1846, 2 where it is stated that the cross was 

Gothic Patterns from Nevinstown Cross. 

erected in 1588 by Michael de Cusack, Lord of Portrane and 
Kathaldron, and by his wife Margaret Dexter. Michael de 
Cusack was a Baron of the Exchequer and died in 1589. The 
inscription on the front of the shaft is given in each of the 
accounts mentioned above. Monuments of this kind are as a 
rule covered with inscriptions and figures under canopies, but in 
this instance the edges are decorated with two simple but effective 
Gothic patterns; or rather variations of the same pattern. In both 
the leaves are of the same type, but in one case the stem from 
which they spring passes straight along the centre of the panel, 
and in the other crosses from side to side. 

The object of mentioning the monument here is to illustrate 
these designs which are very suitable for use as borders in church 
ornament, and would, for that purpose, be infinitely superior to 
the feeble and unmeaning patterns one often sees stencilled 
round the walls of churches. 

1 Vol. xxi 1891), p. 487, 

Plate III.] 

[To face page 64. 



The back of the cross is plain, except at the top where the lower 
part of a shield can still be made out with the initials M.C. 
M.D. placed under it. The dexter side shows an upright line 
which agrees with the division per jwle of the Cusack arms. The 
sinister side is more difficult, it seems to show the end of a pale 
or cross fretty with short lines or marks on the field at either side, 
possibly ermine or else some small charge. 3 

Henry S. Crawford. 

The Cross-Slab at Knockane, Co. Kerry. — In my list of cross- 
slabs (1912) this was the first stone mentioned in the County 
Kerry. I noted that the locality was not certainly identified, as 
the only information I had was taken from Du Noyer's drawing 
in the E.I. A. Library, Vol. L, No. 50. I find that in the same 

The Sacred Monogram. 
A, B, C are the principal varieties. 
D is the only known Irish example. 

•year the Bishop of Limerick, Ardfert and Aghadoe, described 
.and illustrated this monument in the Kerry Archaeological 
Magazine, Vol. I., P. 477; and gave information which locates it 
near the village (not townland) of Knockane, in the Townland of 
Coumdufr and Parish of Ballynaeourty ; about 1\ mile N.W. of 
Anascaul station on the Tralee and Dingle Railway. 

The cross on the stone is of extreme interest as a development 
-of the Sacred Monogram, which has not hitherto been found in 
Ireland. The connection of this cross with the monogram is 
mentioned in the paper referred to, but the chief point of interest 
is not touched on. 

In Mr. Eomilly Allen's Celtic Art, P. 163, we find the following 
-statement ; with which other antiquaries have agreed. — " As the 
l Chi-Kho monogram does not occur on the early inscribed stones 
of Ireland, but in place of it the cross with equal arms expanded 
at the ends, enclosed in a circle, which is derived from the 
monogram; it naturally follows that Irish Christianity is later 
than that of Cornwall, Wales, and the south-west of Scotland." 

3 This is rather like the Arms of Milles, of Co. Dublin, given in a funeral entry 
of 1625— ermine, a pale masculy sable. 



In order to qualify this statement it is satisfactory to find an 
instance of the occurrence of the monogram', though not in the 
earliest form, in Ireland. In the figure are shown the three 
chief varieties of the monogram (which gradually approximates to 
the cross) and after them the actual form existing at Knockane. 

Henry S. Crawford. 

Two Carvings at Athenry Abbey— The figure shows two designs 
from the Dominican Friary. The first is cut with other patterns 
on a slab which originally formed part of a, tomb or altar. It 

Rubbings of two Carvings at Athenry Abbey. Scale 1/6. 

represents a traceried window of late form, and is 18| inches in 
height from the sill to the point of the opening. Professor 
Macalister, in his paper on the church, 1 has alluded to it as- 
resembling the inserted east window of the building; the tracery 
is of the same type, but the carving has four mullions, the- 
actual window only three. It is unusual to see the representa- 
tion of a window used for decoration. 

The second design is on the broken shaft of a memorial cross- 
which is now kept in the sacristy. The stone is 21 inches in length 

1 Journal, vol, xliii, (1913), p 220. 



and the inscription is in English ; the letters are of ordinary form 
except the Y. which is unusual. The word baccagh (lame) is 
introduced into the name as a mark of identity: the surname is 
probably a peculiar spelling of the well known name COYLE. 

Henry S. Crawford. 

An Eighteenth Century Tombstone in Claregalway Abbey. — 

The monuments in Claregalway are interesting from the frequent 
repetition on them of the deceased's tools, &c. ; there are several 
fine examples of Wafers and Chalices on priests' tombs; also 
farriers' tools, ploughs, and other symbols less easily understood. 1 
The most remarkable is a slab lying in the nave, on which is 
carved a Dextera Dei, a plough, and a tilled field, as shown in 
the figure. The introduction of the Dextera Dei may have been 
suggested by, the salutation " God bless the work," commonly 

Design on a Tombstone at Claregalway Abbey. 

used when passing men employed in the fields. The ancient 
form of plough is well shown. 
The inscription is : — 





HILL 1761. 

The word WIFE is not, however, carved as printed above, but 
as shown in the figure. Each letter is turned upside down 

1 See Journal of the Association for the Preservation of the Memorials of the l>ead. 
Vol, x, pp. 65-90. 


separately without being reversed from side to side. The result 
of this curious proceeding is that the word can be seen in its 
proper position by looking at its reflection upside down in a 
mirror. This reversal, together with the worn condition of the 
stone, caused some difficulty in recognising the meaning. The 
reason for carving the word in this manner is not apparent unless, 
like the building of the Round Towers, it was intended to puzzle 

Henry S. Crawford. 


1. Obv. p. dawe, Kingstown = A harp of 7 strings between 2d 
Rev.+i. c. parkes + Dublin within a circle, 

M. An octagonal piece. 

2. Obv. molloy £JS 2d charlemont bridge tavern In five 

lines across the field. 

Rev. Blank. (M). 

3. No. 9 in Original List. There is a. variety from the same 

obv. die as No. 8. 

4. No 14 in Original List. There is a variety from a 

different obv. die with I. c. p. under head and 
differing from that of Nos. 6 and 15. 

5. No. 109 in Original List. A variety reads sixpence. 

E. J. French. 


An Irish Peer on the Continent (1801-1803). Edited by 
Thomas U. Sadleir. (Williams and Norgate. 10s. 6d. net.) 

This is a journal, in the form of letters, written by a young Irish 
girl, Miss Catherine Wilmot, describing her tour on the Continent 
with Lord and Lady Mount Cashell after the Peace of Amiens. 
The war between England and France had come to an end in the 
latter part of the year 1801, though peace was not formally con- 
cluded until the following March. English visitors flocked to the 
Continent, especially to Paris, filled with curiosity to see' a 
country that had violently displaced its ancient government and 
institutions for a new regime in which Buonaparte, as first Consul, 
was the principal figure. 

The party, after visiting France, went on to Italy, and while 
there England and France again became in a state of war. 
Catherine Wilmot left her fellow travellers and hurried home to 
Ireland, travelling through Austria Ttnd Germany to Denmark 
where, from Husum, she embarked for England. 

The letters are of remarkable interest; written with a vivacity, 
originality and a wonderful appreciation of the men and things 
which the writer saw. In Paris, Naples, Borne and Florence 
Catherine Wilmot met most of those prominent in the social and 
political world — Buonaparte and his Generals and Ministers, 
Talleyrand, Kosciusko; the King and Queen of Naples; Henry 
Cardinal York, as well as the notorious Earl of Bristol, Bishop of 
Derry, Canova the Sculptor, Angelica Kauffmann — every one 
indeed who was conspicuous in the world of fashion, politics and 
literature, of many of whom she gives us her impressions in 
delightful little pen-portraits. Buonaparte she saw, from a 
window of the Tuilleries, reviewing his troops, and at Notre 
Dame at the function of the re-estahlishment of the Church. 
She describes a reception and dinner at the Tuilleries, when 
Madame Buonaparte " sat under a canopy, blazing in purple and 
diamonds," Buonaparte himself walking about the room, speaking 
to everyone. At dinner Miss Wilmot sat between General 
Grouchy and Talleyrand. The latter she. had previously met' at the 
American Ambassador's, and she gives a telling portrait of him — 
" his face pale and flat like a cream cheese " — gormandizing for 
two hours and gobbling like a. duck ! She was presented to Le 

( 69 ) 


Brun and Cambaceres — " a large fat, swollen -looking brace of 
Consuls," visited Tom Paine who " complimented us with a 
clean shirt, and with having his face washed," and met Robert 
Emmet, who impressed her favourably. She was desirous of 
meeting him again, but " his extreme prejudice against French 
society will prevent our meeting him anywhere except at the 
house of an English gentleman who is soon returning to 
London." Often she sums up a personal description in a short, 
crisp sentence. The Princess Borghese, whom, we should expect to 
find a Grande Dame, is dismissed with " as I have nothing 
better to say of her than that she is a little old woman dressing 
like a girl and very stupid, I had better say nothing at all " ! 
She describes the Queen of Naples at a Court reception as more 
like a woman trotting about after her poultry than a, Queen; 
while the King's face " surpasses any abridgement of imbecility 
I ever saw. ' 

Catherine Wilmot's descriptions of places and courts are 
equally telling and vivacious as those which her lively pen gives 
us of men and women. Her reflections on the Amphitheatre at 
Nismes conclude with a sentence quite wonderful for a young girl ; 
and excellent too, are her descriptions of an ascent of Vesuvius, 
with the American lady sitting in the crater, writing a letter to 
her friends in America, — and of the ceremony of a nun taking the 

The letters, vivid pictures of men and things, full of humour 
and never dull, well deserved to be published. The drariiatis 
personce and the circumstances under which the tour was under- 
taken are described in the Editor's excellent introduction. Many 
of the persons mentioned in the text of the letters are identified 
and described in the footnotes, while others are not referred to 
at all. Some of the notes, too, are unnecessary and might have 
been omitted. 

W. G. S. 


Annual General Meeting. 
Thursday, January 29th, 1920. 

The Annual General Meeting of the Society was held at 63 
Merrion Square, Dublin, at 5 o'clock p.m. 

William Cotter Stubbs, m.a., Vice-President, in the chair. 
Also present — 

Fellows — E. C. R. Armstrong, F. Kennedy Cahill, J. P. 
D 'Alton, Miss Margaret E. Dobbs, W. J. Fawcett, J. J. Fitz- 
Gerald, E. J. French, William Fry, Mrs Mary Hutton, L. Kehoe, 
H. G. Leask, Mrs Geraldine McEnery, M. J. McEnery, Charles 
McNeill, The Marquis MaoSwiney, D. Carolan Eushe, W. G. 
Strickland, Miss Edyth Warren, H. Bantry White, Eobert Lloyd 

The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. 



2. The Society shall consist of : — 

Fellows, Honorary Fellows, 

And Members, who shall be Members of the Body 
Corporate ; 

With Associate Members elected before 1920. 

Admission, Privileges and Obligations of Fellows, Members 
and Associate Members 

3. Fellows shall be elected only at a General Meeting of the 
Society, on the nomination of the Council with the name of a Fellow 
or Member as proposer. Each Fellow shall pay an Entrance Fee 
of £2 and an Annual Subscription of £2, or a Life Composition of 
£20, which includes the Entrance Fee of £2. 

4. Honorary Fellows may be elected by the Society at the 
Annual General Meeting on the nomination of the Council. 

* The purpose of this Amendment is to raise the Annual Subscription of 
future FellowB from £1 to £2, to raise the Entrance Fee and Annual Subscrip- 
tion of future Members both from 10s. to £1, and to cease electing Associate 

( 71 ) 


5. Members shall be elected only at a General Meeting of the j 
Society, on the nomination of the Council with the name of a Fellow 
or Member as proposer. Each Member shall pay an Entrance Fee 
of £1 and an Annual Subscription of £1, or a Life Composition of 
£10, including the Entrance Fee. 

Repeal the following Rule in italics : — 

6. Associate Members may be elected at a General Meeting of 
the Society, on the nomination of the Council, with the name of a 
Felloiv, Member, or Associate Member as proposer, and shall pay 
an annual Subscrijition of 10s. Associate Members may become 
Members on paying 10s., the Entrance Fee of Members, in addition 
to the Annual Subscription of 10s. 

7. The Entrance Fees and first annual Subscriptions of Fellows 
and Members must be paid either before or on notification of Elec- 
tion. Fellows and Members failing to pay as aforesaid shall be- 
reported at the next General Meeting, and their names removed- 
from the list. 

8. Any Fellow who has paid an Annual Subscription for ten 
consecutive years may become a Life Fellow on payment of a sum 
of £12. 

9. Any Member who has paid an Annual Subscription for ten 
consecutive years may become a Life Member on payment of £8. 

10. Any Member who has paid his Life Composition, on being 
advanced to the rank of Fellow, may become a Life Fellow by 
paying a sum of £10, which sum includes the Entrance Fee for 

Repeal the following Rule in italics : — 

11. Any Member on the roll on the 28th January, 1913, who has 
paid his Subscription , and is eligible for election, may be elected as 
a Felloiv, on the recommendation of the Council, without payment 
of any entrance Fee. 

12. All Subscriptions shall be payable in advance on the 1st day 
of January in each year, or on election. The Subscriptions of 
Fellows and Members elected at the last meeting of any year may 
be placed to their credit for the following year. The name of any 
Fellow, Member, or Associate Member whose Subscription is two 
years in arrear shall be read out at the Annual General Meeting,, 
and published in the Journal of the Society, and the connexion 
of such person with the Society shall cease, but his liability for 
moneys due to the Society shall continue. 

In par. 13, for " publications," read " volumes." 



New By-Law 

Fellows, Members and Associate Members on the roll on the 
29th January, 1920, shall be entitled to enjoy the same rights as to 
subscription and composition as previously were in force for their 
respective classes. 

Transitory Provision 
The provision by which any Member on the roll on the 28th 
January, 1913, may be elected as a Fellow without paying any 
Entrance Fee, shall be extended to any Member or Associate 
Member elected not later than the Annual General Meeting of 

Such Members, on election as Fellows, shall not be liable to pay 
any Entrance Fee or any higher rate of Annual Subscription than 
those elected before 1920 — namely, £1 per annum. 

Both as regards Members on the roll on the 28th January, 1913, 
and those elected not later than the Annual General Meeting in 
January, 1920, this provision shall remain in force up to and includ- 
ing the Summer General Meeting of 1920, and no longer. 

The names of Members and of Associate Members to be 
proposed for election as Fellows under this provision should be 
forwarded to the Hon. General Secretary at least three weeks 
before the date either of the Spring or of the Summer General Meet- 
ing of 1920, together with the sum of £1, the first Annual Subscrip- 
tion, for each candidate. 

The following Fellows and Members were elected: — 


Adam, James, Orwell Bank, Orwell Park, Rathgar, {■Member, 

Aldhouse, Rev. Frederick H., m.a., Grammar School, Drogheda, 
{Member, 1916). 

Atkinson, Ven. Archdeacon E. Dupre, ll.b. (Cantab.), Kilbroney 
Vicarage, Rostrevor, Co. Down {Member, 1890). 

Bagenal, Pnilip H., o.b.e., 11 Spencer Hill, Wimbledon, London, 
S.W. 19 {Member, 1914). 

Barrett, William, 175 Pershore Road, Cotteridge, Birmingham 
{Member, 1919). 

Barry, Philip Harold, j.p., Ballyellis, Buttevant, Co. Cork {Asso- 
ciate Member, 1913). 

Bellew, Hon. Mrs, 20 Cavendish Road, Bournemouth {Member, 

Bompas, Charles S. M., f.s.a. London, f.s.a. Scotland, 121 
Westbourne Terrace, London, W. 2 {Member, 1906). 


Borbidge, HughG., Glenmore, Clonee, Co. Meath (Member, 1917). 
Brophy, Michael M., 48 Approach Road, Margate (Member, 1893). 
Buckley, J. J., m.r.i.a., National Museum, Dublin (Member, 

Buggy, Michael, Parliament Street, Kilkenny (Member, 1884). 
Burrowes, W. B., Ballynafeigh House, Belfast (Member, 1918). 
Butler, R. M., f.r.i.b.a., 73 Ailesbury Road, Dublin (Member 

Butler, Rev. Michael, d.d., p.p., Roundwood, Co. Wicklow 
(Member, 1911). 

Cahill, Frank Kennedy, f.r.c.s.i., 80 Merrion Square, Dublin 

(Member, 1918). 
Caldwell, C. H. B., j.p., Antylstown, Navan (Member, 1904). 
Oallary, Rev. Robert R , St Finian's College, Mullingar (Member, 


Campbell, A. Albert, Drumnaferrie, Rosetta Park, Belfast 
(Member, 1897). 

Cavenagh, Lieut. -Col. W. O., Red House, St. Margaret's-at-Cliffe, 

Dover (Member, 1906). 
Champneys, Arthur C, m.a., 45 Frognal, Hampstead, London, 

N.W. 3 (Member, 1907). 
Coffey, Brian McMahon, 12 Denny Street, Tralee (Member, 1918). 
Corcoran, Miss Jessie R., Rotherfield Cottage, Bexhill-on-Sea 

(Member 1899). 

Costello, Thomas Bodkin, m.d., Bishop Street, Tuam (Member, 

1899, Hon . Local Secretary, Galway N.). 
Crone, John S., l.r.c.p.i., m.r.i.a., j.p., Kensal Lodge, Kensal 

Green, London, N.W. 10 (Member, 1893). 
Dagg, T. S. C, m.a., ll.b. , 86 Lower Baggot Street, Dublin 

(Member, 1912). 

D'Alton, V. Rev. E. A. Canon, p.p.. v.f., St Mary's, Ballinrobe 

(Member, 1917). 
Diskon, W. H., Cong, Co. Mayo (Associate Member, 1915). 
Douglas, M. C, Beechville, Carlow (Member, 1887). 
Doyle, Michael J., Windgap N. S., Kilkenny (Member, 1897). 
Dwyer, Rev. Joseph, b.a., c.c, University Church, St Stephen's 

Green, Dublin (Member, 1917). 
Drury, Henry C, m.d., 48 Fitzwilliam Square, Dublin (Member, 


Eeles, Francis C, f.r. hist, soc, f.s.a., scot., 43 Grosvenor 
Road, London, S.W. 1 (Member, 1904). 

Fairholm, Miss Caroline G., Comragh, Kilmacthomas, Co. Water- 
ford (Member, 1912). 


Falconer, R. A., 53 Upper Sackville Street, Dublin (Associate 

Member, 1915). 
Faren, William, 11 Mount Charles, Belfast (Member, 1897). 
Fan-ell, Eev. William B.A., c.c, 48 Westland Row, Dublin 

(Member, 1919). 

Fielding, P. J., f.c.s., 66 St Patrick Street, Cork (Member, 1008). 
FitzGerald, John J., m.d., Mill House, Cork (Member, 1908). 
Fleming, J. S., f.s.a., scot., 9 Douglas Terrace, Stirling (Member, 

Fox, Major The, late Royal Irish Rifles, Galtrim House, Summer- 
hill, Co. Meath (Member, 1917). 

Fox Rev. Arthur W., M.A., 9 Garden Street, Todmorden, Lanes. 
(Member, J904). 

Gamble, Charles H., Killiney Lodge, Ballybrack, Co. Dublin 
(Member, 1919). 

Geoghegan, Joseph A., Ballinteer, Dundrum, Co. Dublin 
(Member, 1913). 

Gibson, V. Rev. T. B., a.m., Dean of Ferns, The Deanery, Ferns 

(Member, 1897). 
Glynn, W. J., j. p., Pella House, Kilrush (Member, 1897). 
Graham, Rev. T. J., c.c, 85 Iona Road, Drumcondra, Dublin 

(Member, 1917). 

Green, Lieut. -Col. J. S., m.b., m.k.i.a., Air Hill, Glanworth, Co. 

Cork (Member, 1907). 
Green, Mrs A. S., 90 S. Stephen's Green, Dublin (Member, 1910). 
Guinness, Howard, Chesterfield, Blackrock, Dublin (Member, 


Hales, Mrs M. F., 5 Charleville Circus, Sydenham (Member. 

Halpenny, P. J., Ulster Bank, Mullingar (Member, 1919). 
Hayes, Rev. W. A., m.a., The Deanery, Londonderry (Member, 

Healy, James J., 16 Kenilworth Square, Rathgar (Associate Mem~ 

ber, 1913; Member, 1918). 
Healy, Ven. Archdeacon, ll.d., Rectory, Drakestown, Navan 

(Member, 1888, Hon. Local Secretary, Meath). 
Hibbert, R. F., Woodpark, Scariff, Co. Clare (Member, 1919). 
Hill, W. H., f.r.i. a. i., Monteville, Cork (Member, 1910). 
Jackson, Rev. Robert, Abbeyleix, Queen's Co. (Me7nber, 1918). 
Kehoe, Laurence, Mill Street, Tullow, Co. Carlow (Member, 1908). 
Kehoe, Mrs R. L., 8 Anglesea Road, Dublin (Member, 1919). 
Kelly, R. J., k.c, j.p., (Member, 1891, Hon. Provincial Secretary, 



Knight, George, Lackanash, Trim (Member, 1916). 
Langan, J., 41 Pembroke Road, Dublin (Member, 1919). 
Lawlor, Rev. Professor H. J., Canon, d.d., litt.d., 32 Palmerston 

Road, Dublin (Member, 1891). 
Leask, Harold Graham, Office of Public Works, Stephen's Green 

(Member, 1910). 

Lee, Philip George, m.d., St. Patrick's Hill, Cork (Member, 1909), 
Lefroy, B. St. George, Baldonnell House, Clondalkin, Co. Dublin 
(Member, 1908). 

Lepper, R. S., Elsinore, Crawfordsburn, Co. Down (Member, 

Lyons, Head Constable Patrick, r.i.c, Newport, Co. Maya 
(Member, 1905). 

McBride, Joseph N., Harbour Office, Westport (Member, 1894). 
McCance, Captain Stouppe, 4 Markham Square, London, S.W. 3 

(Associate Member, 1915; Member, 1918). 
MacClancy, James, Miltown Malbay, Co. Clare (Member, 1900). 
McCarthy, James, Clancarty, Newfoundwell, Drogheda (Member, 


McConnell, John, j.p., College Green House, Belfast (Member, 

McEnery, Mrs, Glandore, Highfield Road, Rathgar (Member, 

MaeGarry, Charles James, ll.d., 124 Rock Road, Booterstown 
(Member, 1916). 

McKnight, John P., Nevara, Temple Gardens, Palmerston Road, 

Dublin (Member, 1890). 
Macmillan, Rev. John, d.d., Dinanew House, Raven Hill Road, 

Belfast (Member, 1894). 
Macnamara, Donagh W., Corrofin, Co. Clare. 
Macnamara, Lieut. -Col. John W., m.a., m.d., Corofin, Co. Clare 

(Member, 1918). 

MacSwiney, Mrs Miriam, 12 Cranley Place, London, S.W. 7 
(Member, 1919). 

Mahony, T. H., 8 Adelaide Place, St Luke's, Cork (Member, 

Mason, Thomas H., 5 Dame Street, Dublin (Member, 1906). 
Montgomery, A. R. W., Colesberg, Herbert Road, Bray (Associate 
Member, 1914). 

Montgomery, R. V., 13 Molesworth Street, Dublin (Member, 
1892). * 

Moore, G., 5 Mardyke Villas, Mardyke, Cork (Meinber, 1917). 
Murphy, John J., 6 Mount Edgcumbe, Stranmillis Road, Belfast 
(Member, 1895). 



Murray, Bruce, Portland, Limerick (Member, 1910). 
^Nash, Lieut.-Col. Edward, j.p., 94 Piccadilly, London, W. 
(Member, 1889). 

Nolan, Very Eev. John, p.p., v.f., Toomebridge, Co. Antrim 
(Member, 1902). 

O'Conchobhair, Domhnall, 15 Hollybank Road, Drumcondra, 

Dublin (Member, 1903). 
O'Grady, Major Guillamore, m.a., 49 Fitzwilliam Square, Dublin 

(Member, 1908). 

O'Hanrahan, Timothy Williams, j.p., Altamont, Kilkenny 
(Member, 1889). 

Ormsby, Robert D., Ballynamote, Carrickmines, Co. Dublin 
(Member, 1912). 

Open, Goddard H., j.p., Monk's Grange, Enniscorthy (Member, 

O'Ryan, Miss Elizabeth, The Square, Youghal (Member, 1916). 
Pirn, Miss E. M., Newton Park, Waterford (Member, 1900). 
Place, Thomas Dumayne, Rosemount House, New Ross (Member, 

Potts, Rev. John, Grange Silvae, Goresbridge (Member, 1917). 
Prochazka, Baroness, Leyrath, Kilkenny (Member, 1902). 
Purcell, Rev. Thomas F., o.p., Black Abbey, Kilkenny (Member, 

Quekett, Arthur Scott, 55 Wellington Road, Dublin (Member, 

Quinn, Augustine, The Beeches, Liscard, Cheshire (Member, 

Read, Mrs Genevieve, Hibernian Bank, Camden Street, Dublin 

(Associate Member, 1916). 
Bedington, Miss Matilda, Kilcoman, Clarinbridge, Co. Galway 

(Member, 1892). 

Bobertson, Hume, 26 Porchester Terrace, London, W. 2 (Member, 

Bogers, Very Rev. Monsignor, 756 Mission Street, St Patrick's 

Church, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. 
Botherham, E. Crofton, Belview, Crossakiel, Co. Meath (Member, 


Sadleir, Thomas XL, 51 Lansdowne Road, Dublin (Member, 1919). 
Shackleton, George, j.p., Anna Liffey House, Lucan, Co. Dublin 
(Member, 1896). 

Shaw, Thomas J., j.p., La Mancha, Mullingar (Member, 1898). 
Sherwin, Rev. James P., University Church, St Stephen's Green, 

Sinclair, Thomas, 18 Castle Lane, Belfast (Member, 1909). 


Smith, Blair, j.p., Errigal House, Laurence Hill, Londonderry 
(Member, 1902). 

Smith, Miss Isabella, 30 Clarinda Park, E., Kingstown, Co. 

Dublin (Member, 1909). 
Smyth, E. W., j.p., 7 St Stephen's Green, Dublin (Member, 1893). 
Swanzy, Rev. Henry Biddulp'h, m.a., m.r.i.a., The Vicarage, Newry 

(Member, 1901). 

Tenison, Arthur H. Ryan, f.r.i.b.a., 32 Bath Road, Bedford Park,. 

Chiswick, W. 4 (Member, 1901). 
Traill, William A.,,. Portballintrae, Bushmills, Co. 

Antrim (Member, 1883, Hon. Local Secretary, Antrim N.). 
Walsh, M. S., l.r.c.p.i., l.r.c.s.i., 24 North Frederick Streets 

Dublin (Associate Member, 1914). 
Warren, Miss Edyth G., 1 Raglan Road, Dublin (Member, 1905). 
Warren, Miss Mary Helen, 1 Raglan Road, Dublin (Member r 


Waters, Eaton W. , m.b., m.a.o., j.p., Brideweir, Conna, Co. Water- 
ford (Member, 1917). 

West, Captain Erskine E., Barrister-at-Law, Shoyswell, High- 
field Road, Dublin (Member, 1918). 

White, Colonel J. Grove, c.m.g., d.l., Kilbyrne, Doneraile, Co. 
Cork (Member, 1883). 

White, Lieut.-Col. S. R. L , Scotch Rath, Dalkey ^Member, 1910). 

Whitfield, Captain George, Modreeny, Cloughjordan, Co. 
Tipperary (Member, 1901). 

W T ild, George H., 5 Churchill Terrace, Ballsbridge, Dublin 
(Member, 1917). 

Wilkinson, George, Ringlestown, Navarf (Member, 1902). 

Young, Rev. Thomas E., m.a., Aghold Rectory, Coolkenno, Co. 
Wicklow (Member, 1907). 


Chaytor, Charles H., 13 Molesworth Street, Dublin. 

Cole, J. A., m.a., Inspector of Schools, Cavan. 

Connolly, W. P. J., Greenwood, 68 Merrion Road, Dublin. 

Connolly, Mrs. W. P. J., Greenwood, 68 Merrion Road, Dublin. 

Coulter, Francis Clements, 16 Lower Fitzwilliam Street, Dublin. 

Fannin, Edward M., m.b., l.m., 3 Rutland Square, Dublin. 

Hayden, Miss Mary T., m.a., Professor of Modern Irish History, 

University College, Dublin. 
Knight, Captain W. M. Lackanash, Trim. 

Love, Oscar, 86 Carnot Terrace, South Circular Road, Kilmain- 
ham, Dublin. 



Lowry-Corry, Lady Dorothy, Castle Coole, Enniskillen (Associate 
Member, 1915). 

Shackleton, Mrs Mary L., Ivydene, 30 Park Avenue, Sandy- 
mount, Dublin. 

Wilson, Miss Florence, Nightingale Hall, Wellington Place,. 


Alment, Eev W. F., b.d., 49 Carysfort Avenue, Blackrock. 

(Member, 1891). 
Cardew, William Gordon, Marino House, Killiney, Co. Dublin. 
Cunningham, Miss M. E., Glencairn, Belfast (Member, 1895). 
Devane, Eev Professor Eichard, St. Patrick's College, Thurles. 
Fay, H. E. J., 53 Moyne Eoad, Eathmines (Member, 1919). 
Foley, J. M., Galway, m.p., Ballintoher House, Nenagh (Member,. 


FitzHenry, Eev E., p.p., Lady's Island, Broadway, Co. Wexford. 
Frost, John G., Newmarket-on-Fergus, Co. Clare (Member, 1910). 
Garty, John, Bellair Cottage, Killiney, Co. Dublin (Associate 
Member, 1914). 

Gilmartin, Most Eev. Thomas, d.d., Archbishop of Tuam, Tuam, 

Co. Galway (Member, 1919). 
Giron, Louis F., 5 Charleville Eoad N.C.Ed., Dublin (Member, 


Griffith, P. J., 128 Cabra Park, Phibsboro, Dublin (Member,. 

Hargrave, Miss Jennette, m.d., 2 Sandwich Villas, Huntingdon 

(Member, 1909). 
Headen, W. P., La Bergerie, Portarlington (Member, 1891). 
Headen, James, m.a., Inspector of Schools, Longford. 
Joyce, W. B., b.a., 29 Eathmines Eoad, Dublin (Member, 1909). 
Langan, Very Eev Thomas Canon, d.d., p.p., St. Patrick's Moate 

(Life Member, 1890). 
Librarian, Eeform Club, Pall Mall, London, S.W. 1 (Member,. 


Lough, Et. Hon. Thomas, m.p., h.m.l., 97 Ashley Gardens, 

London, S.W. (Member, 1889). 
Lovegrove, E. W., Euthin School, N. Wales (Member, 1896). 
Lucas, Eev. F. I., d.d., 2 Cliff: Terrace, Kingstown. 
McBride, Francis, j.p., 39 Grosvenor Square, Eathmines (Member 


MacDonagh, Thomas J., 7 St Alphonsus Eoad, Dublin (Member, 

MacPhail George, f.s.a. (scot.), f.l.s., Hearnesbrooke, Co. 


MacSorley, Miss C. M., 6 Harcourt Terrace (Member, 1911). 
Moorhead, Alexander, 53 Whit-worth Road, Dublin (Member, 

,0'Morcho, Rev., The, Kilternan Rectory, Co. Dublin (Member, 

Nichols, James, 85 Ranelagh Road, Dublin (Member, 1904). 
Nichols, Miss Edith M., 85 Ranelagh Road, Dublin (Associate 
Member, 1914). 

Nichols, Miss Muriel E., 85 Ranelagh Road, Dublin (Associate 
Member, 1914). 

,0'Leary, Very Rev Dean, p.p., v.g., St. John's, Tralee (Member, 

.O'Reilly, George, 26 Trinity Street, Drogheda (Member, 1908). 

Ryan, Rev. James, The Hermitage, Cabrah, Thurles. 

Scott, J. R., d.l., Willsboro', Londonderry (Member, 1918). 
/Small, John F., 37 Hill Street, Newry (Member, 1893). 
.Smyth, Robert Wolfe, j.p., Portlick Castle, Athlone (Member, 

Thompson, Rev. Hugh W. B., St. Catherine's Rectory, South 

Circular Road, Dublin (Member, 1918). 
- Waddell, John J. H., Ardnacree, Dalkey (Member, 1907). 
Walsh, Thomas Arnold, Adrivale, Kilmallock, Co. Limerick 

(Member, 1918). 

Wilkinson, Wilfred, f.s., f r. met. soc, f.s.s., Irvinestown, Co. 
Fermanagh (Member, 1918). 

Report of the Council for 1919. 

■ The work of the Society during the past year was conducted under 
somewhat improved conditions as compared with the years imme- 

, diately preceding. The various meetings were duly held according 
to the programme adopted at the Annual General Meeting, and the 

, Council is glapl to be able to report that the Connacht Summer 
Meeting was, notwithstanding some difficulty in providing vehicles, 

. a successful celebration of this important part of the programme. 
Miss M. Redingtop., Mr M. J. Tighe, and Dr Costello, who under- 
took, in several departments, the organising of the arrangements, 
.left nothing undone to insure that the meeting would be amongst 
the most interesting and agreeable of those held in recent years. 

6 The special thanks of the Society are due to them for this great 
service. The Society's thanks are due also to those who received 

. the members with generous hospitality and kindness in every 

. district visited; to Mrs Daly, Miss Redington, and Mr Edward 

•. Vlartyn, by. whom, the party .yms entertained at Tillyra Castle; to 



Mr and Lady Philippa Waithman, by whom they were entertained 
at Merlin Park; to the Rt Rev Dr Plunket, Bishop of Tuam, and 
Mrs Plunket, by whom they were entertained at Tuam; to Mr J. 
Smyth and the Misses Smyth, by whom they were entertained at 
Masonbrook; to Mr MacDonagh, who kindly placed his motor 
launch at the Society's disposal; to the V. Rev. the Prior and Com- 
munity, St Augustine's, Galway, who gave the use of the Augustin- 
ian Hall; to the V. Rev. the Prior and Community, St Dominick's, 
who exhibited a valuable collection of church plate and embroidery ; 
.and to Canon Berry, who conducted the party over the Church of St 

The Council regrets that by the death of Viscount Gough, who, 
at some personal inconvenience, received the party at Lough 
Cutra Castle, the Society has lost a distinguished member. 

At the beginning of October, a visit was paid to Glendaloch; 
the party had the great advantage of being guided by Mr H. G. 
Leask, by whom the salient features of the buildings were ex- 
plained. The other meetings were held as arranged, and the 
following communications were received: — 

The Ancient Places of Assembly in the Counties of Limerick 
and Clare. By the President. 

The Bell Shrine of S. Seanan. By E. C. R. Armstrong, Fellow. 

Notes on a Copy of the Dublin Book of Common Prayer, tradi- 
tionally stated to have belonged to the Irish House ' of 
Commons. By W. G. Strickland, Fellow. 

On Irish Farthing Tokens. By H. C. Drury, m.d., Member. 

* An Account of the Ecclesiastical Remains at Corcomroe and 
Kilmacduagh. By the President. 

j * Notes on the Castle Churches and other Antiquities of 
Athenry. By Miss M. Redington, Member. 

* Notes on Some of the More Interesting Antiquities of Galway 
City. By M. J. Tighe, Fellow. 

~* Specially contributed at the Connacht Summer Meeting. 

Illustrations of Early Public Documents of Ireland; with refer- 
ences to some Popular Fallacies corrected by the Records. 
By M. J. McEnery, Fellow. 

On the Altar and Mural Monuments in Sligo Dominican Friary. 
By H. S. Crawford, Member. 

The Promontory Forts of Western Co. Cork — Beare and Bantry. 
By the President. 

The State Coaches of the City of Dublin and of the Lord 
Chancellor, the Earl of Clare. By W. G. Strickland, 



There were 10 ordinary and special meetings of the Council 
during 1919, at which the attendances were : — 

T. J. Westropp, President 


OlK VV M. H lu 


JtrROlEbSOR IvlACALablER, V .£ 


OlR JjUlAb VV . IVliNLr ... 


William C. Stubbs, V.P. 

A. Robinson 


Herbert W'ood, V.P. 


John Cooke 



P T T.vvptt V P 


lVilbO 1V-L. JLU . -L/ U 13 13 . . . 



Mrs M. A. Hutton 


Charles McNeill, Hon. 


P. J. O'Reilly ... 


Gen. Sec. 

E. C. R. Armstrong 


H. Bantry White, Hon. 


Col. R. Claude Cane ... 


Treas. (Resigned 30 Sept.) 

J. P. Dalton ... 


R. J. Kelly 


Lord Walter FitzGerald 


H. G. Leask 


M. J. McEnery 


J. J. Buckley ... 


N. J. Synnott ... 


The Council has to announce with extreme regret that Mr. 
Charles McNeill is retiring from the position of Honorary General 
Secretary of the Society, which he has held since January, 1914. 
He has aided and furthered the Society's work and aims with the 
greatest devotion and enthusiasm, and the Council is certain that 
the Society will feel that its very best thanks are a most inadequate 
recognition of such valuable services as he has given. 

In the transfer of the Society's meeting place and offices from 
St. Stephen's Green to Merrion Square he bore the chief part, and 
the new premises will remain a monument to his love for the 

The Council desires to place on record its high appreciation of 
the services of Mr H. Bantry White, i.s.o., as Hon Treasurer 
during the past five years. The Council has already conveyed to Mr 
White its regret at his resignation, and its grateful recognition of his 
care and attention for the Society's interests during the period of 
exceptional difficulty in which he held office. The Council is 
assured that these sentiments will be shared by the members 

In accordance with the Statutes the Council appointed Mr 
E. C. R. Armstrong to be Hon. Treasurer in room of Mr White. 

The following nominations have been made for the several 
offices to be filled by election at the Annual General Meeting : — 

President : — 

Michael Joseph McEnery, 

Deputy Keeper of the Records in Ireland. 



Vice-Presidents : — 

Ulster — Most Rev. John Baptist Crozier, d.d., 
Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of all Ireland. 
Charles McNeill. 
Leinster — Richard Langrishe, j.p. 

Munster — Henry Bantry White, i.s.o. 

William W. A. FitzGerald, m.a. 

Connacht — Thomas Bodkin Costello, m.d. 
Sir William Fry, d.l. 
Hon. General Secretary: — 

Harold G. Leask. 
Hon. Treasurer : — 

E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a. 
Members of Council: — 

H. S. Crawford, b.e., Member. 

T. G. H. Green, Fellow. 

Professor R. A. S. Macalister, litt.d., Fellow. 
W. G. Strickland, Fellow. 

As no nominations have been made in excess of the vacancies 
existing, the foregoing are to be declared elected to t : heir several 

The Council is glad to be able to report that the number of 
members has been well maintained ; and it is hoped that, with the 
re-establishing of general peace and more favourable conditions, it 
may be possible, within a reasonable time, to resume the quarterly 
issue of the Journal, and, eventually, to undertake additional 

The following changes in membership took place : — 
Three Members were promoted to the rank of Fellow; two 
Fellows and thirty-seven Members were elected; three Associate 
Members were admitted to Corporate Membership; ten Members 
and four Associate Members resigned ; eight names were removed 
from the Roll under Rule 11, but may be reinstated as provided 
in the Rule. The deaths notified were twenty-one. 

Obituary Notices 
Mgr. Jerome Fahey, d.d., v.g., was elected a Member 
in 1890, promoted Fellow in 1909, and Vice-President from 
1910 to 1913. He was also Hon. Local Secretary for South 
Galway. From an early age Father Fahey took a keen interest 
in the history and antiquities of our country, and when he attained 


a position of influence he endeavoured by word and example to 
encourage others in the prosecution of antiquarian research, placing 
his intimate knowledge of local antiquities at the service of all 
enquirers. Appointed Parish Priest of Gort and Vicar-General of 
the ancient diocese of Kilmacduagh, he directed his interest td 
the study of the life of its founder, and of the interesting group of 
" Seven Churches " which retains his name. He published in 
1893 the History of the Diocese of Kilmacduagh, which 
although chiefly an ecclesiastical record, also includes the history 
of local monuments and of the ancient families connected with 
them. As Local Secretary he made a report on the Church of St 
John Baptist at Kilmacduagh in the Journal, Vol. XXIII, 
and on the occasion of the Society's visits to Connaught in 
1901 and 1904, he prepared for the use of the members notes on the 
antiquities of the district, which were published in Vols. XXXI and 
XXXIV. Other papers of his were " The Flight of the O'Flaherties 
to Connaught," Vol. XXVII; ''Shrines of Inis-an-Ghoill," Vol. 
XXXI; "Kilmacduagh: its Ecclesiastical Monuments," Vol. 
XXXIV; " Crests of the Chieftains of Hy Fiaehrach Aidne," Vol. 

For many years Mgr. Fahey was in failing health. He died 
March 12th 1919. 

The Right Hon. Hugh 3rd Viscount Gough, K.C.V.O., Vice- 
President, was grandson of the 1st Viscount Gough, the Field- 
Marshal whose brilliant victories in India resulted in the annexation 
of the Pan jab to the British Dominions. He was educated at Eton 
and Brasenose College, Oxford, where he proceeded to the degree of 
M.A. in 1878. In 1873 he entered the Diplomatic Service and held 
several important posts, finally becoming Minister Resident at 
Dresden in 1901, where he remained until 1907. He was elected a 
Fellow of the Society in 1912, and was Vice-President for Con- 
naught 1913-1916, and again in 1919. In the history and preserva- 
tion of the antiquities of Gort and the surrounding district he took 
a very keen interest, and Mr Rait acknowledges the help he re- 
ceived from him in his Story of an Irish Property. 

Dr George Unthank Macnamara, LL.D., Honoris Causa, 
National University, and Vice-President of the Society for the 
Province of Munster, will be remembered for his whole-hearted in- 
terest in the recording of the early remains in Co. Clare. He was 
the son of Dr Michael Macnamara and of Eliza Unthank, his wife, 
a member of an old Quaker family in the city of Limerick. The 
branch of the ancient Ui Caisin to which he traced his paternal 
descent had, as matters settled after the Cromwellian confiscations 


of 1655, lived at Ballygirvana and Drumbonnive and, later, at 
Creevagh and Ballymarkahan, in sight of the Abbey of Quin. The 
representative, in 1749, sold the older estates of Derryvet to the 
Stamers. The two doctors had a long record of service in the 
Corofin district and consequent minute and intimate knowledge 
of its inhabitants, from the wealthy squire to the very poorest 
people sheltering in the dolmens on the limestone plateaux of the 
Burren. George Macnamara's interest grew until he was a veri- 
table encyclopaedia of reference to the early remains, the folk lore 
and the history of his primitive and most interesting district. A 
man of an original and independent spirit, it was only the severe 
demands upon his time that made his work appear rather in the 
books and papers of others than in those under his own name. The 
too few papers published by him bear the mark of deep thought 
and wide research. Besides many notes, he published in the 
Journal, from the time when he joined the Society in 1894, his 
principal works for archaeology. These recorded his discovery of 
the long removed and unique tau cross, marking the termon of 
Kilnaboy, which, in 1894, he restored and reset in its ancient base 
at his own expense ; his discovery of the site and remains of the 
\* Ascetics Church " by following the indication of its only record in 
the Cathreim Thoirdealbaig in 1897, an elaborate paper on " the 
Ancient Stone Crosses of Ui Fermaic," 1900; notes on " Torlough 
O'Brien of Fomerla " ; on a 17th century " bronze pot, found near 
Lisdoonvarna " ; on Findclu, daughter of Baoith, the patroness of 
Kilnaboy, one on Tomfinlough Church, 1908, with valuable 
accounts of Quin, Dromoland and Bunratty in our 7th Antiquarian 
Handbook, in 1916. The following year he was elected Fellow and 
Vice-President, having been local Secretary for North Clare since 
1896. To the Proceedings of the Limerick Field Club he con- 
tributed; Vol I, a legend of Skaghvickencrow ; II, the Monuments 
at Quin ; Loch Forgas ; Letters from an Exile (O'Huonyn, 1750-67) ; 
North Munster Archaeol. Soc, I, Continuation of the Letters 
III, Bunratty, a very valuable monograph. His health, at times, 
much broken, and tried by his unsparing visiting of his poor 
patients scattered over a wild district, gave way and his life was 
saddened by the loss of his second son, Lieut. Maccon Macnamara, 
who fell, gallantly trying to rescue one of his fellow soldiers, in the 
great push " of the Germans, in March 1918, and whose fate 
for nearly a year remained doubtful. Dr Macnamara died on 
18 November 1919, and was buried in the old church of Coad 
(which he had partly repaired and near which he had re-erected its 
great pillar stone), leaving to all an honoured memory and a record 
of duty and self-sacrifice. 


Thomas Plunkett, Vice-President, first became a Member of the 
Society in 1870, and for close on half a century took an active in- 
terest in its proceedings ; he was particularly helpful on the occasion 
of the Society's visits to "Ulster. His conspicuous services during 
the visit to the district of Enniskillen in 1887 are recorded in the 
Journal of the time, and he was soon afterwards appointed Hon. 
Local Secretary for Co. Fermanagh, which office he filled usefully 
until his death. His modesty prevented for a long time further 
recognition until being promoted to Fellowship, he was elected a 
Vice-President for Ulster at the Annual General Meeting of 1918. 
His labours in the field of Archaeology were largely shaped by his 
connection with the Royal Geological Society ojf Ireland, an 
association which did some valuable work about the middle of the 
last century, and it was thus that he was directed principally to 
the exploration and description of prehistoric remains. He con- 
tributed to the Journal in 1876 an account of the physical character- 
istics of Topped Mountain, Co. Fermanagh, where several cairns 
had been found, and at different times similar notes, including one 
on an urn cemetery at Gortnacor, Co. Antrim, in 1904. The Pro- 
ceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, of which he was elected a 
Member in 1880, contain several communications from him on pre- 
historic remains and cave exploration in the Counties of Fermanagh 
and Cavan; and the Academy's Collection has been enriched by 
many of his acquisitions of stone, flint and bronze implements and 
weapons and of animal remains from the caves. During the 
drainage of Lough Erne many objects were found near Enniskillen, 
and a considerable number came into Mr Plunkett 's possession. 
In 1892, when he was Chairman of the Enniskillen Urban Council, 
he purchased a small shrine recovered by fishermen, which was 
described by the Rev. D. Murphy, S.J., and illustrated in the 
Academy's Proceedings. In the social life of Enniskillen he at all 
times showed himself a good citizen. His public spirit and high 
sense of honour were recognised by all parties and won him 
general esteem, and a monument erected in Fort Hill Park, 
Enniskillen, commemorates his action in having that place of 
recreation opened to the public. 

He died 9th November, 1919. 

Professor Ernst Windisch, who died at Leipzig on October 
30th 1918, was one of the oldest Members of our Society, having 
been elected in 1872. In 1870-1, being in London, engaged on the 
catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. at the India Office, he made the 
acquaintance of Standish H. O 'Grady, who initiated him into the 
study of the Irish language, and on a visit to Ireland he met 



"Whitley Stokes, afterwards his life-long friend. He spent the 
greater part of his long and industrious life as Professor of Sanskrit 
at Leipzig. His contributions to Sanskrit and Pali are numerous 
and important — at least 300 have been enumerated — and for many 
years he was the editor of the Zettschrift der Deutschen Morgen- 
landischen Gesellschaft. In these islands, however, it is as a 
Celtic scholar he is best known. He was an inspiring teacher and 
trained several brilliant Celtic scholars. To enumerate fully his 
Irish papers would occupy much space. His Concise Old Irish 
Grammar (1879) was, for several generations of students, the sole 
available manual. His Irische Texte (1880) still remains the most 
valuable repertory of early Irish texts, and the Glossary appended 
contains over 7,000 articles, and is the most complete lexicon of the 
older language yet published. Besides minor sagas, he published 
in 1905 his stately edition of our oldest epic Tain B6 Cuailnge from 
the Book of Leinster and other MSS., with a spirited translation 
and a full glossary. It is a work of immense learning, upon which 
he had been engaged for upwards of twenty years. It was followed 
in 1912 by an edition of the Egerton text, with which his purely 
Irish work came to a fitting close. Das Keltische Britannien (1912), 
a work of great freshness and interest, appealed to a wider circle. 
When death overtook him he was busy with the proofs of a History 
of Sanskrit Philology. Those who had the privilege of meeting him 
will treasure the remembrance of a refined and gentle nature, free 
from all bitterness and self-esteem. 

The membership is now 850, distributed as follows: — 

Honorary Fellows ... ••■ •■• 10 

Life Fellows ..: -•• ••• ••• 51 

Fellows ... ••- ■■■ •■• 135 

Life Members ... •• ■■■ •■• 47 

Members ... ••• ■■■ •• 568 

Associate Members ... ••• ■•■ 39 


The total receipts in 1919 were £739 0s. 10d., as against 
£689 9s. 2d. in 1918, £608 15s. lid. in 1917, and £666 16s. 8d. 
in 1916. 

Subscription revenue, including entrance and life compositions, 
amounted to £517, being £10 over 1918, £41 over 1917 and £67 
over 1916. 


Miscellaneous receipts produced £222 Os. 10d., of which 
£84 3s. 6d. was derived from rents of portion of the Society's 

The total expenditure was £682 Is. lid., the difference between 
which and £739 Os. lOd. received as above, namely £56 18s. lid., 
has gone to reduce the authorised overdraft which at 31 December, 
1919, stood at £206 13s. 10d., as against £263 12s. 9d. at the end 
of 1918. This overdraft was incurred to complete the cost of pur- 
chasing and fitting up the Society's new premises. 

Whilst these figures show that the financial position of the- 
Society is sound, it has been necessary, as the members are aware r 
for several years past to exercise a vigilant economy and to contract 
somewhat the Society's operations. After a very careful survey 
of present circumstances and the prospects of the future, the 
Council arrived at the conclusion that the existing rates of sub- 
scription would not provide for the future an income sufficient to 
maintain the Society efficiently, in consequence of the great 
advance in the cost of all items of outlay. A Circular was, there- 
fore, issued by the President to the Members in December, in- 
timating that proposals would be made at the Annual General 
Meeting to increase the Annual Subscription of Fellows to £2, and 
the Entrance Fee to remain £2 as heretofore, and to increase the 
Annual Subscription of Members to £1 with an Entrance Fee of 
£1. The Council does not propose to interfere with the status and 
liabilities of existing Members, who, if they so desire, shall have 
the right to remain subject to the present rate of subscription ; but 
it was suggested in the Circular that existing Members and 
Associate Members who found themselves in a position to con- 
tribute more liberally might conveniently do so by becoming 
Fellows as provided by the Statutes in the case of Members on 
the roll at 28 January, 1913. This provision they propose to ex- 
tend to all Members and Associate Members admitted since and 
at the Annual General Meeting of 1920. It seems to them, how- 
ever, advisable that the privilege should not be continued either 
for those on the roll at 28 January, 1913, or for those subsequently 
elected, after the Summer General Meeting of 1920, thus leaving a 
further period of about six months for consideration. 

Sessional Programme 

The province of Leinster being the next in order for a Summer 
Meeting, the Council recommends that the centre should be fixed 
at Wexford, which will be a convenient starting-point from which 
to visit many places of great interest. 


The following Sessional Programme is submitted : — 





Wednesday, 28 Jan. . 


Reception by President and Council 

Thursday, 29 „ '. 

Annual General Meeting 

»» • 

Tuesday, 24 Feb. . 

Evening Meeting for Papers 

» > -, • 

30 Mar. . 


27 April . 

Quarterly Meeting 

27 July . 

Summer Meeting 


Tuesday, 28 Sept. . 

Quarterly Meeting 

26 Oct. . 

Evening Meeting 

»» * 

30 Nov. . 

it >» 

14 Dec. . 

Statutory Meeting 

IN 1919 


Andrews, Michael Corbet, f.r.g.s., f.r.s.g.s., 17 University 

Square, Belfast (^Member, 1910). 
Cooper, Bryan Ricco, d.l., Markree Castle, Collooney. 
Credin, David, Sapper R.E., Gortmore, Fivemiletown, Co. Tyrone 

(Member, 1910). 
O'Connell, Philip,, n.u.i., 20 Mary Street, Clonmel. 
Whitworth, Mrs Mary, Blackrock, Dundalk (Member, 1902). 


Barrett, William, 223 Stoney Lane, Sparkbrook, Birmingham. 

Butler, Theobald Blake, Armadale, Barrow-in-Furness. 

Byrne, Rev. Edward J., o.c, b.a., 83 Marlborough Street, Dublin: 

Byrne, Mrs, 17 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

Carolan, Miss Mary, 7 Clareville Road, Rathgar. 

Conway, W T illiam M., 24 South Great George's Street, Dublin. 

Dwane, David Thomas, Ash Hill Cottage, Kilmallock. 

Eccles, Cuthbert, l.r.c.p.&s.i., Delgany, Co. Wicklow. 

Egan, Patrick Joseph, j.p., Clunagh House, Tullamore. 

Farrell, Rev. W. M., c.c, b.a., 48 Westland Row, Dublin. 

Fay, Henry Edward Joseph, 53 Moyne Road, Rathmines. 


Gamble, Charles, b.a., Killiney Lodge, Bally brack, Co. Dublin. 
Gilmartin, Most Rev. Thomas, d.d., Archbishop of Tuam, Tuam. 
Halpenny, Michael, l.r.c.p.i., l.r.c.s.i., Tirkeenan, Monaghan, 

(Associate Member, 1915). 
Halpenny, P. J., Ulster Bank, Monaghan. 
Hibbert, Robert Fiennes, Woodpark, Scariff, Co. Clare. 
Irwin, Miss Patricia A., 180 Peel Street, Montreal, Canada, 
Johnston, Major B. L., Dominion Bank, Toronto, Canada. 
Kehoe, Mrs R. L., 8 Anglesea Road, Balisbridge, Dublin. 
Langan, J., 41 Pembroke Road, Dublin. 

McCabe, V. Rev. Joseph Louis, o.c.c, The Priory, Aungier 

Street, Dublin. 
McDonagh. Thomas, Salthill, Gal way. 
MacSwiney, Mrs Miriam F., 12 Cranley Place, London. 
Mason, Miss Harriette, 35 Pembroke Road, Dublin. 
Molloy, Mrs Ida Greene, 37 Marlborough Road, Dublin. 
Nichols, Miss Edith, 85 Ranelagh Road, Dublin (Associate 

Member, 1914). 

Nichols, Miss Muriel, 85 Ranelagh Road, Dublin (Associate 

Member, 1914). 
Nolan, Daniel J., Ulster Bank, Castlerea, 

O'Hare, Patrick J., m.b., Highfield, 7 Broompark Circus, Dennis- 
toun, Glasgow. 

O'Hare, Thomas Alphonsus, 25 Circus Drive, Dennistoun, 

O'Kelly, J. J., m.b., b.s., 53 Rathgar Road, Dublin. 
Peacocke, Col. William, late R.E., c.m.g., 17 Vesci Place. Kings- 

Purcell, Rev. Thomas F. , o.p., Black Abbey, Kilkenny. 
Rice, John Herman, Barrister-at-Law, 8 Templemore Avenue, 

Sadlier, Thomas U., 51 Lansdowne Road, Dublin. 
Smith, H. V. C, Pembroke Estate Office, Dublin. 
Stewart, Miss Florence, The Cottage, Bryansford, Co. Down. 
"Wilkinson, W. F. S., f.r.m.s., Irvinestown, Co. Fermanagh. 
Young, Mrs Joseph, Corrib House, Galway. 


Gough, Viscount, k.c.v.o., d.l., Lough Cutra, Gort (1912). 
Guilbride, Francis, j.p., Newtownbarry (1890, 1911). 
Macnamara, George U., ll.d., Bankyle House, Corofin (1894, 



Plunkett, Thomas, m.r.i.a., Enniskillen (1887, 1918). 
Purefoy, Richard D., m.d., 62 Merrion Square (1909). 
Scott, Anthony C. E., 49 Upper Sackville Street (1911). 


Barry, Theobald, Turtella House, Thurles (1918). 
Doherty, E. E. B., Oaklands, Bandon (1904). 
Ennis, Michael A., 10 Longford Terrace, Monkstown (1895). 
Fegan, W. J., Market Square, Cavan (1892). 
Horner, John, Antrim Road, Belfast (1899). 
Johnston, Alfred A., St. Angelo, Ballinamallard (1918). 
Keene, Most Rev. J. B., Bishop of Meath, 26 Clyde Road, Dublin 

Maollwaine, Robert, Court House, Downpatrick (1893). 
McGolrick, Rt. Rev. James, d.d., Bishop of Duluth (1906) 
Milliken, James, 146 Ashfield Road, Liverpool (1901). 
Murphy, Rev. James E., m.a., Rathcore Rectory, Enfield (1892). 
Ormonde, The Marquis of, Kilkenny Castle (1870) 
Quan-Smith, Samuel A., Bullock Castle, Dalkey (1890). 
Toler-Aylward, H. J. C, d.l., Shankill Castle, Whitehall, Co. 

Kilkenny (1890). 
Windisch, Professor Dr. Ernst, Leipzig (1872). 



Uniacke, R. G. F., Foxhall, Uxminster, Essex. 


Duncan, James, 55 Highfield Road, Rathgar. 
Figgis, William F., Rath Cruaehan, Bray. 
Librarian, Berlin Royal Library, Berlin. 
Moore, John, 117 Grafton Street, Dublin. 

Associate Members 
MacEgan, The, Queen's Hotel, Dalkey. 
MacTier, Miss, Wilton Mansions, Dublin. 
Walker, H. J., Athlone. 

Aarsberetning, 1915, 1916, 1917. 

American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, vol. xxviii, parts 1-2. 
Annales de l'Academie d'Archeologie de Belgique, lxvi, Tome vi, 
num. 1, 2, 3, 4, livres ; lxvii Tome ii, num. 1-2. 


Antikvarisk Tidskrift fur Sverige, del. 20, no. 4. 
Archaeologia Cambrensis, vol. xix, parts 1-4. 
Architect, The, vol. ci, nos. 2611-2662. 

Belfast Naturalists' Field Club, Proceedings, vol. viii, part 1. 

Bihar and Orissa Research Society Journal, vol. iv, part 4; vol. 
v, parts 1-4. 

British Archaeological Association, Journal, new series, vol. xxiv. 
Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, Transactions, 
vol. xxi. 

Bulletin, 1914, num. 1, 2; Bulletin, 1919, num. 1, 2. 
Cambridge Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, vols, lxix, xxxiv, 

Cambridge and Huntingdonshire Archaeological Society, Trans- 
actions, vol. iv, part 3. 

Carmarthenshire Antiquarian Society, Transactions, parts xxxiii, 
xxxiv, xxxv. 

Chester Archaeological Society, vol. xxii. 

Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, Journal, vol. xxiv, 

no. 120; vol. xxv, nos. 121, 122. 
County Louth Archaeological Journal, vol. iv, no. 3. 
Det Kongelige Norske Videnskabers Selskab Skrifter, 1915-1916. 
Dorset Natural History Field Club, Proceedings, vol. xxxix. 
Forestry Society, Publications, vol. xxiv, part 3; vol. xxx, part 1. 
Galway Archaeological and Historical Society, Journal, vol. x, 

no. 3. 

Glasgow Archaeological Society, Catalogue of the Library. 
Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire. Transactions, 
vol. lxi. 

Institution of Civil Engineers of Ireland, Transactions, vol. xliv. 
Irish Builder, vol. lxi, nos. 1-23. 
Johan Ernst Gunnerus. 

Kent Archaeological Society, Archaeologia Cantiana, vol. xxxiii. 
Kildare Archaeological Society, Journal, vol. ix, nos. 3-4. 
Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, Proceed- 
ings, vol. 28. 

Numismatic Chronicle, fourth series, vol. xviii, nos. 71, 72; 

vol. xix, nos. 73, 76. 
Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statements for 1919. 
Revue Celtique, vol. xxxvii, nos. 1-3. 

Royal Anthropological Institute, Journal, vol. xlviii, July-Dec, 

1918; vol. xlix, Jan.-June, 1919. 
Royal Institute of British Architects, Journal, vol. xxvi, nos. 3-12; 

vol. xxvii, nos. 1-4. 



Royal Irish Academy, Proceedings, vol. xxxiv, section C, nos. 10- 
11; vol. xxxiv, Title page and contents; vol. xxxv, Sec. C, 
nos. 2-9. 

Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen, Memoires 

Nouvelle serie. Aarbroger for 1£17. 
Smithsonian Institution, Publications. Report of the U. S. 

National Museum for year ending June 30, 1918. 
Societe de Archeologie de Bruxelles, Annales. Tome vingt 

huitieme, 1914-1918. 
Society of Architects, Journal, 1917-1918. 

Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle -on-Tyne, Archaeologia iEliana. 

Third series, vol. ix, pp. 1-148. 
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Proceedings, vol. lii, vol. liii. 
Society of Architects, Journal, vol. xii, nos. 1-9; vol. xiii, nos. 1-2. 
Somersetshire Archaeological Society, Proceedings, vol. lxiv. 
Suffolk Institute of Archaeology, Proceedings, vol. xvi, part 3; 

vol. xvii, part 1. 
Surrey Archaeological Collections, Proceedings, vol. xxxi. 
Uplands Fornminnes forenings Tidskrift, vol. xxxii, vol. xxxiii. 
Wales Archaeological Society, Transactions. 

Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, Magazine, 
nos. 130-131. 

Yorkshire Archaeological Society, Journals. Annual Report, 1918. 

Y. Cymmrodors, Transactions, vol. xxviii, session 1917-18. 

Yorkshire Philosophical Society Annual Report. 

Antonio Tempestas Urbio Rome. Prospectrio 1593. Gift of 
Librarian, Royal University, Upsala. 

Drawings illustrating the ruins of the Rock of Cashel. Descrip- 
tion of Holy Cross Abbey, Co. Tipperary. Gift of Miss Emma 

Fairy Legends of the South of Ireland. Gift of Edwin Fayle, Esq. 
From Darwinism to Kaiserism. By and gift of Robert Munro, 

M.A., M.D. F.S.A. 

Irish Texts Society, Gift of Thomas Plunkett, V-President, vols. 

Matrilinial Kinship and the question of priority. By and Gift of 

E. S. Hartland, f.s.a., Hon. Fellow. 
Three Months in the Forests of France. By Margaret Stokes. Gift 

of Edwin Fayle, Esq. 
The Saxon in Ireland. Gift of Edwin Fayle, Esq. 
Transactions during the Famine in Ireland. Gift of Edwin Fayle, 


The Story of our Parish (St Peter's, Dublin). By Catherine 
MacSorley, Gift of Rev E. G. Sullivan, m.a. 

The Report having been adopted, 


The following were declared elected to their respective offices : — 
President : — 

Michael Joseph McEnery. Deputy Keeper of the Re- 
cords in Ireland. 
Vice-Presidents : — 

Ulster ... Most Revd. John Baptist Crozier, d.d. 
(since deceased). 
Charles McNeill. 

Leinster ... Richard Langrishe, j.p. 
Munster ... Henry Bantry White, m.a., i.s.o. 

William W. A. FitzGerald, m.a. 
Connacht ... Thomas Bodkin Costelloe, m.d. 
Sir William Fry, d.l. 
Honorary General Secretary : — 

Harold G. Lease. 
Honorary Treasurer: — 

E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a. 
Members of Council : — 

H. S. Crawford, b.e., Member. 
T. G. H. Green, Fellow. 

Professor R. A. S. Macalister, litt.d., Fellow. 
W 7 . G. Strickland, Fellotv. 

The Evening Meeting was held at 8 o'clock p.m., when the 
newly, elected President, M. J. McEnery, m.r.i.a., delivered an 

An Evening Meeting of the 72nd Yearly Session of the Society 
was held at 63 Merrion Square, Dublin, on Tuesday, the 24th 
of February, 1920, at 8 p.m. 
The President in the Chair. 

The following paper was read and referred to the Council to 
be considered for publication: — 

" A Wooden Book with Waxed and Inscribed Leaves, 
found at Springmount, Co. Antrim." By Professor 
R. A. S. Macalister, litt.d., Fellow, and E. C. R. 
Armstrong, f.s.a., Hon. Treasurer. 

An Evening Meeting of the 72nd Yearly Session of the Society 
was held at 63 Merrion Square, Dublin, on Tuesday, the 30th 
of March, 1920, at 8 p.m. 

The President in the Chair. 



The following papers were read and referred to the Council to be 
considered for publication : — 

1. "The Old Prisons of the City of Dublin." By E. J. 

French, m.a., Fellow. 

2. " Some Notes regarding Slemain Midhe, the battlefield of 

Gairech and Irghairech and other places in Westmeath 
referred to in the Tain Bo Cuailgne. By Thomas L 
Shaw, j. p., Member. 

A Quarterly General Meeting of the 72nd Yearly Session of the 
Society was held at 63 Merrion Square, Dublin, on Tuesday,. 
11th May, 1920, at 8 o'clock p.m. 

The President, M. J. McEnery, m.r.i.a., in the Chair. 

Also present : — 

Fellows. — E. C. E. Armstrong, C. H. Bennett, W. F. Butler, 
E. J. French, R. J. Kelly, Mrs R. S. Kehoe, Mrs G. C. McEnery, 
A. R. Montgomery, P. I. O'Reilly, J. F. Weldrick, H. Wood, 
Thomas Grattan Esmonde, I. M. Galway-Foley, Marquis Mac- 
Swiney, James Nichols, M. E. Nichols. 

Members. — Miss Badham, Mrs Best, D. A. Chart, Oscar 
Conyngham, H. S. Crawford, C. P. Curran, Capt. J. E. F. 
FitzPatrick, J. B. Jennings, Mrs Annie Long, H. C. Mooney t 
R. B. Savers, Mrs H. C. Mooney, J. W. Crawforth-Smith, Mrs 
M. E. Friel, S. Friel. 

The Minutes of the previous Meeting were read and confirmed. 
The Auditor's report of the Accounts was received and adopted. 

The following Fellows and Members were elected : — • 
As Fellows 

Barber, Rev Henry A. D., m.a., Castledermott Rectory, Co. 

Kildare (Associate Member, 1916). 
Blake, Martin J., Heath House, Maryborough (Member, 1904). 
Burnett, George Henry, Herbert Road, Bray (Member, 1905). 
Conlon, John P., 4 Ennismore Villas, Cork (Associate Member, 


Coyle, Rev. James, p.p., Leighlinbridge, Co. Carlow (Member,. 

Darling, Rev. Canon Harry, Bective Rectory, near Navan 
(Member, 1918). 

Earle, Rev. George A., m.a., Dunkerin Rectory, Roscrea (Member,, 

Fitzhenry, Rev Robert, Lady's Island, Broadway, Wexford. 


Hade, Arthur, c.e., 28 Dublin Street, Carlow (Member, 1892). 
Herbert, Charles G., Board of Works, Dublin (Member, 1917). 
Lyster, Rev Canon H. C, Rectory, Enniscorthy (Member, 1891). 
McKenna, Philip, Coreiea, Kimmage Road, Dublin (Member, 

Mar, John J., Marfort, Thurles (Member, 1907). 
Maunsell, H. R., 91 Merrion Square, Dublin (Member, 1918). 
Montgomery, H. C, Ballyholme House, Bangor, Co. Down 
(Member, 1914). 

Nicol, Robert, Provincial Bank, St Stephen's Green, Dublin 

(Associate Member, 1913). 
Nolan, D. J., Ulster Bank, Castlerea (Member, 1919). 
O'Brien, Mrs. Harriet, South Hill, Limerick (Member, 1900). 
O'Donoghue, Cooper C, Oreland, Limerick (Associate Member, 


Pakenham- Walsh, Major W. P., Crinken House, Shankill, Co. 
Dublin (Member, 1907). 

Pillor, Rev. J. Frazer, b.a., Almortia Rectory, Mullingar (Mem- 
ber, 1917). 

Rejaiolds. Mrs, The Mullins, Ballyshannon (Member, 1902) . 
Rogers, William E., Belfast Banking Co., Portaferry (Member, 

Scott, John Alfred, m.d., 36 Lr. Baggot Street, Dublin (Member, 

Stubbs, Henry, m.a., d.l., Danby, Ballyshannon (Member, 1893). 


Downes, Joseph Vincent, South Hill, Dartry Road, Rathmines. 

Gately, John, 23 Upper Pembroke Street, Dublin. 

Pearson, Charles W., 11 Alma Road, Monkstown, Co. Dublin. 

Baker, Sir Augustine, 56 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

Walker, Robert Vincent, b.a., Erne Square, Clones. 

The following papers were read: — 

" Topographical Notes on the Barony of Coshlea, Co. 
Limerick, including Lackelly, the Lake District, Cenn 
Abbey, Claire, &c." By P. J. Lynch, m.r.i.a., Vice- 

" The Earliest Irish Representation of the Crucifixion." By 
the Rev Louis Gougand, o.s.b. 
The Pedigree and Succession of the House of McCarthy 
Mor." By W. F. Butler, m.a., Fellow. 

CM lO 

00 t> 




T— i 

0J o 


I— 1 






CO o 






CO <M 







1— 1 




rrj O rH GO 




fl r— I 
CO rH 



CO • 

Hi fl 




o CO 

fl 02 

o fl 


CO fl 




02 t> 


^ fl 

CO «2 J 3 
^ fl 
' * fl A 


CD 05 HH 
CD „ 
.u_i ^ 02 
O ^ CD 

- 55 — ' Q fl _9 hp H 

c3 , Ph -ih 

rQ S r-H co ^7 

.m P co ^ M 


CD C3 

fl 2 

co S 

ffl CO 

° "rS 

co co 
fl -tEl 









































CM rH 














o o 


o o 


. O O 


o o 

1— 1 

o o 


o o 


rH CM 

CM X0 

"H rH 

CO t~ 





tC CD 

^ a 

-CD ® 


02 CD 
i— H CD 









5 bfi 

CD '-3 


J3 © 

48 S 
ft a 



p3 -A 

PQ o 



The " Extra Volumes " for the following years are :— 

1888-89 — " The Rude Stone Monuments of Co. Sligo and the Island of Achill," by Colonel 
Wood-Martin. (Out of print.) 

♦1890-91 c< The Account Roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity, Dublin, 1337-1346, with the 

Middle English Moral Play, The Pride of Life, from the original in the Christ Church 
Collection in the Public Record Office, Dublin," edited by James Mills, m.e.i.a. 

♦1892 "Inis Muiredach, now Inismurray, and its Antiquities," by W. F. Wakeman (cloth, 

royal 8vo, with Map and 84 Illustrations). (Price 7s. Gd.) 

♦1893-95 " The Annals of Clonmacnoise," from the mss. in the Royal Irish Academy and Trinity 

College, Dublin, edited, with Introduction and Notes, by Rev. Denis Murphy, S.J., m.r.i.a. 

♦1896-97 "Register of Wills and Inventories of the Diocese of Dublin in the time of Arch- 
bishops Tregury and Walton, 1457-1483/' from the original ms. in the Library of Trinity 
College, Dublin, edited, with Translation, Notes, and Introduction, by Henry F. Berry. 
M.A., t.c.d., Barrister-at-Law. 

♦1898-1901 The Index to the first Nineteen Volumes of the Journal for the years 1849-1889, 

inclusive, complete in Three Parts. Parts I, II, and III now ready, price 3s. 6d. each. 
The whole forming vol. xx of the Consecutive Series of the Journal of the Society 

♦1907-1908— "Inscribed Slabs at Clonnacnois." By R. A. S. Macalister, m.a., f.s.a 

*1909— " Old Irish Folk Music and So/igs." By P. W. Joyce, ll.d. (Price 10s. 6d.) 
1917— "Howth and its Owners." 3y Francis Elrington Ball, ll.d.. m.r.i.a. 

* These Volumes may be had from the Society's Publishers, price 10s. each. 

Index to the Jouwl Vols. XXI-XL (1891-1910). Compiled by 
the late General />mbbs, revised and edited by W. Cotter Stubbs, 
m.a. m.r.i.a. (Pioe 10s. 6d.) ; bound in cloth 12s. 6d. 
"The Gormanston Renter," edited by James Mills, i.s.o., and M. J. M'Enery, 
m R i.a., Deputy-Kee^ r of the Records in Ireland. Price £1 ; reduced price to 
Members, 15s. 

Antiquarian Handbook Series, No. VII. 
Antiquities of Lir^k an d its Neighbourhood. Cloth, with numerous illus- 
trations. Price 

The "Extra Volur s " previous to the year 1890 are out of print, except "Christian 
Inscriptions in the Ir^- Language," edited by M. Stokes, of which several complete Volumes 
and Parts with numi (13 Illustrations, may be had. Price £3 for the complete Volumes. 

The Publications r tne Society are to be obtained from the Publishers, Messrs. Hodges, 
Figgis & Co Ltd lC^ ra ^ 0I) Street, Dublin ; also the List of Fellows and Members (price Is.}. 

Hon. Local Secretaries, 1920 

Antrim (N.) Wm. Traill, m.a., m.e. 

(S ) W J- now l es > M.B.I. A. 

Armagh . * 

Belfast City R. l Yom S, B - A -> M - B - I - A - 


. Pa 

^yam J. Fegan, Solicitor. 
qJ. Macnamara ll.d. 
a O 'Donovan, m.a. 
iv. Patrick Power, M.R.I.A. 
'jhn H. Tibbs, b.a. 
* * * * 

Carlo w 

„ City 


\ Francis J. Bigger, m.r.i.a. 


W. Cotter Stubbs, m.a., m.r.i.a. 
John Cooke, m.a., m.r.i.a. 
Fermar^ T - P^kett : m.r.i.a. 
Galwa ^ T " Bodkin Cwstello, m.d. 

3 ^ ***«(:* 

. Singleton Goodwin, m.inst. c.e. 



Lord Walter FitzGerald, m.e.i.a. 


my . M. M. Murphy, k.k.i.a. 
S Co. . Mrs. Tarleton. 

Leitrim . H. J. B. Clements, j.p., d.l. 
Limerick . J. Grene Barry, d.l. 
Londonderry E. M. F. G. Boyle, m.r.i.a 
Longford . J. M. Wilson, d.l. 
Louth ***** 
Mayo * * * * * 

Meath . Ven. Archdeacon John Healy, ll.d. 
Monaghan . D. Carolan Rushe, b.a. 
Queen's Co. Rev. Edward O'Leary, p.p. 
Roscommon ***** 
Sligo . * * * * * 
Tipperary ( N. ) V. Rev. James J. Ryan. 

„ (S.) ***** 
Tyrone . Rev. W. T. Latimer, m.a. 
Waterford . Beverley G. Ussher. 

„ City Rev. P. Power, M.R.I.A. 
Westmeath (N.) T. J. Shaw, j.p. 

(S.) Henry Upton, J.P. 
Wexford . G. E. J. Greene, m.a., sc.d,, 

M.R.I.A., P.L.S., J.P. 

Wieklow ,**-*** 


Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 

1 920 


M. I McENERY, m.r.i.a. 

William Cotter Stubbs, m.a., m.r.i.a 
Rev. J. L. Robinson, m.a., m.r.i.a. 
Herbert Wood, b.a., m.r.i.a. 
Richard Langrishe. 



P. J. Lynch, m.r.i.a. 

G. D. Burtchaell, m.a., ll.b. 

H. Bantry White, i.s.o. 
William W. A. Fitzgerald. 


F. Elrington Ball, ll.d., m.r.i.a. 
D. Carolan Rushe, b.a. 
Charles McNeill. 

H. T. KllOX, M.R.I.A. 

T. B. Costello, m.d. 
Sir William Fry, d.l. 
0' Conor Don. 

Hon. General Secretary 

W. G. Strickland, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

Hon. Treasurer 

E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a., m.r.i.a., 63 Meyrion Square, Dublin 



Lord waiter FitzGerald, m.r.i.a. 
T. Gr. B Green, m.r.i.a. 
ProiessoiR. A. S. Macalister, litt.d. 

-f.s.a. ; 
E. J. Frei-h, m.a. 
Professor i Curtis. 
H. S. Craw. )T d. 
II . G. Leask 

Sir Lucas White King, c.s.i., 
Andrew Robinson, m.v.o. 
John Cooke, m.a., m.r.i.a. 
Miss M. E. Dobbs. 
Mrs. M. A. Hutton. 
P. J. O'Reilly. 
Colonel R. Claude Cane, j.p. 
J. P. Dalton, m.a., m.r.i.a. 
Note— The names of Vice-Presidents and Council are arranged acctji ng to dates of election. 
The names first on the list retire first. 

Past Presidents who are ex=offscio Members ^Council 

Count Plunkett, k.c.h.s., m.r.i.a. • 
Thomas J. Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a 


Miss Cree, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 
Hon, Keeper of Prints and Photographs 

Thomas J. Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a., 63 Merrion Square,\ u } 3lin _ 

Auditors of Accounts (for 1920) 

Robert Nicol. 
William Chamney. . I \ 

Hon. Provincial Secretaries, 1920 


Thomas J. Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a., Dublin. 


The Rev. Canon Moore, m.a,, 66 Adelaide Road, Dublin. 

The Rev. Canon Lett, m.a., m.r.i.a., Loughbrickland. 


Edward Martyn, Tulyra Castle, Ardrahan. 
Richard J. Kelly, k.c, j.p., Tuam. 

Bankers \ 

The Provincial Bank of Ireland, Ltd., 12 St. Stephen's Green, DublinA 

Printed by John Falconer, 53 Upper Sackville Street, Dublin. 





Series VI, Vol. X 

Vol. L lilKwbSdl Part II 

31 December 1920 



P. J. Lynch, m.r.i.a., Vice-President, Munster — Topographical Notes on 
the Barony of Coshlea, Co. Limerick, including Lackelly, The Lake 
District, Cenn Abrat, Claire, Tara Luachra, &c. — (Illustrated) . 99 

Rev. Dom Louis Gougaud, o.s.b., communicated by E. C. E. 
Armstrong, f.s.a., Vice-President — The Earliest Irish Eepresen- 
tations of the Crucifixion — (Illustrated) .... 128 

Phomas Johnson Westropp, m.a., Past -President — The Promontory 
Forts and Traditions of the Districts of Beare and Bantry, Co. 
Cork— (Illustrated) . . . . . 140' 

Si. C. E. Armstrong, f.s.a., Vice-President, and Professor E. A. S. 
Macalister, litt.d., Fellow — Wooden Book with Leaves In- 
dented and Waxed found near Springmount Bog, Co. Antrim — 
(Illustrated) ....... 160 

jODdard H. Orpen, m.r.i.a., Fellow — The Earldom of Ulster — (con- 
tinued) . . . . . . - 167 

Miscellanea (Illustrated) ... . 178 

Notices of Books . . .- • • . 184 






All Rights Reserved] [Price 6s. net. 





(Formerly the Kilkenny Archaeological Association, and the Royal Historical 
and Archaeological Association of Ireland) 

List of the Volumes, showing the relation between the Consecutive 
Numbers and the Numbers of each of the Six Series ; also the Years for 
which each Volume was issued. 

Consecutive Number 

Number of Series 




] 0,(0 1 OKA 

io4y, loou, 




IX. .... 

looz, loOo. 



in. .... 

IO04, looo. 


1 V . 

I. 2nd, Series, 

1 CK(! 1 OKI 

loOO, loo/. 


v . 


loOo, loOy. 




loOU, lOOl. 

* VTT 
V 11. 


IV. ,, 

iOOZ, lOOO. 

V 111. 


V . , , 

lo04, looo, 



VI. ,, . . 



I. 3rd. Series, . . 

looo, looy. 


I. 4th Series, 

1 8.70, 1 Q71 
lo/U, lo/l. 



11. ,. ... 

1 QTO 1 Q70 

loiZ, lo/o. 



ill. ., 

i on a i oik 

10/ 4, lO/O. 

Al V . 


1 otc i 077 
lo/O, 10/ / , 

i 070 

A V . 

V , , , . 

1 C70 1 OOA 

lo/y, lOOU, 

lOOl, lOOii. 



VI. , , 

"5 OOO 1 OOA 

looo, loo4. 

A V 11. 


Vll. ,, 

1 QOC 1 OOCi 

looo, looo. 

A V J 11. 


Vlll. ,. 

1 Q07 1 OOO 

loo/, looo. 

V I V 
A 1 A. 


1A. ,, 


A A. 

Index, .... 

loin 1 oon 

io4y— looy. 


I. 5th Series, 

loyu— loyi. 

A All. 


11. ,, . . 



* A Alll. 



AA1 V. 


IV. , , 

i on i 



• A A V . 


V . , , 


A A VI. 


VI. ,, 


AA V 11. 


Vll. ,, 


A A Vlll. 


Vlll. , ... 



IX. ... 



X. , . 



XI. „ ... 



XII. „ 



XIII. „ 



XIV. „ 



XV. „ 



XVI. ,, 



XVII. „ 






XIX. „ 






I. 6th Series, 



II. „ 






IV. „ 



V. 4 , ... 



VI. „ . . . 






VIII. „ 



IX „ 



X. „ . . . 


The Volumes marked (*) are now out of print. Some of the remaining Volumes can be supplied 
to Members at the average rate of 10s. each. Odd Parts of some of the foregoing volumes can 
be supplied. The Quarterly Paris of the Fifth Series can be supplied to Members at 3s. each. 

In order to assist Fellows and Members to obtain back numbers of the Journal, the Council have 
decided to offer the volumes for the fifteen years from 1870-1884 at the greatly reduced price of 
£1 for the set. 

Plate IV] 

[To face page 99 

(ounbf limerick. \ 

(punfy Tipperary. 





The irregular 

ellipse O AtKnea^ 5 

marks tke 

region of 





Clogher Kdl^aLlyscatkkuy' ^^y^'^^lfiwlle-Gorbally.) 
Cnoc-Cuinge C6RBA*LLI 
(knocklong) <- yV' S^W-''-- Gleneefy. 


Showing Barony of Coshlea and District 








By P. J. Lynch, m.r.i.a., Vice-President, Munster. 

LRead 11 May 1920.] 

In preparing the following notes on the barony of Coshlea, I have 
only made use of such records and texts as had a bearing on its 
topography. I did not enter into any speculations on mythology, 
or history; and at the risk of being styled an euhemerist, I ha,ve 
accepted the legends as I found them. These tales, in many cases, 
are wild and fanciful, and the characters possibly supernatural; 
yet the topography is generally fairly accurate: indeed, in many 
cases it is this faithful description of the district that has given to 
the story the semblance of reality, and kept the legend alive. 

In some cases the conclusions I have arrived at differ from the 
opinions expressed by some recent writers on the same subject, 
which I regret. When the question is a matter for conjecture, the 
discovery of some additional record may give a new direction to 
the line of inquiry, and lead to a complete change of opinion. By 
reason of such discoveries, the mistakes of some of our distin- 
guished antiquaries in the past have been corrected in our own 

In these notes I have brought forward much additional infor- 
mation relating to this district in support of my conjectures, which 
I hope will afford sufficient reasons for those who have formed 

( 99 ) 



opinions differing from mine to modify their views. If so I will 
bei greatly pleased and amply rewarded for my labour. We are all 
searching after truth, and truth should prevail. 

When engaged on the survey of the cromleacs (or dolmens) of 
the Co. Limerick, published in the journals of the Limerick Field 
Club and the North Munster Archaeological Society, many ques- 
tions arose having reference to the ancient topography of the 
county, and after the survey was completed I continued my in- 
quiry so as to clear up some doubts and contradictions. In this 
way I endeavoured to locate Carn Feradaig 1 (Carnary), near 
Limerick, and to identify Cenn Abrat of Sliab Caoin 2 with the 
mountain now known as Slievereagh, south of Knocklong. It was 
the study of the district around Knocklong, with its raths and 
tumuli, that led me to believe that one of the ancient royal ceme- 
teries, Oenach Culi, was located there, for the reasons stated in 
the paper on Cenn Abrat. 3 

Circumstances prevented me from continuing my investigation 
at the time, or rather working out the notes I had taken. Since 
then I am pleased to know that Mr. T. J. Westropp has made the 
subject his own, and has described some of the motes and other 
earthworks 4 in the Knocklong district around Clogher Hill, and 
will, no doubt, bring to bear on this interesting inquiry more scien- 
tific research than I could hope to command. 


It was when examining the townland of Corbally for any evi- 
dence in connection with the ancient Oenach (" Oenach Culi in 
Corballi ") that I discovered Lackelly, which gives the name to two 
townlands (east and west), between which Corbally is situated, 
all close to Knocklong. In my opinion these townlands formed 
part of an older Corballi, 5 and Lackelly was the name given to the 
stone or rock mentioned in the legend of the birth of St. Ailbhe. 

The taxation of Pope Nicholas (1291) for the Diocese of Emly 
includes the " Chapel of Corbally. Hospitallers are rectors for the 
\ T icar." 6 From this and other records it is clear that in former 
times Corbally was a well-defined area, extensive enough to justify 
the description of " Oenach Culi in Corballi." 

1 Journal N. M. A. S., vol. i, p. 168. 

2 Ibid., vol. ii, p. 1. 

3 Ibid., p. 5, note. The spelling of this and other Irish words varies 
in the text, owing to quotations appearing from different sources. 
Where free, Onomasticon Goedelicurn is generally followed. 

4 Proceedings of the JR. I. A., vol. xxxiii, p. 444; vol. xxxiv, pp. 47, 
127. Also Journal N. M. A. S., pp. 122-158, vol. iv. Journal B. S. A. I. T 
vol. xlviii, p. 111. The papers in the latter two journals are based upon 
the original articles for the R. I. A. 

5 For Corbally (Corballi) see infra. 

6 Diocese of Emly, Rev. St. John D. Seymour, pp. 134n and 143. 



The legend connecting St. Ailbhe with the rock is related in 
the different lives of the saint. He is said to have come from a 
portion of this district in which a chieftain named Cronan ruled. 
His father was Olcnais, and his mother was Sanclit, both of the 
chief's household. Sanclit bore a son to Olcnais, and Cronan was 
so displeased that Olcnais fled from his presence, and the chief 
ordered the child to be killed. The child was removed from the 
house and left under a rock, where he was nourished by a she-wolf. 
Here the infant was found by a good man, Lochan Mac Lugir, who 
carried him to his house. He was afterwards given to some men 
from Britain, who were slaves in the eastern part of Cliach. He 
was reared by them, and named Ailbhe, because he was found 
living under a rock. 

The place connected with this legend is an outcrop of rock 
forming a low cliff on the farm of Mr. Kincaid, Lackelly West, and 
is marked " Lackelly rock " on the 6-inch ordnance sheet, No. 41, 
Co. Limerick. It derived its name Lackelly le^c Ai toe 7 from a 
large flag stone which lay on the top of the cliff. The cliff must 
have been much higher when the legend was composed, as the level 
of the ground at the base has raised in time. 

When I first made inquiries about Lackelly I was informed by 
Mr. Healy, of Corbally, that the stone was there. He described 
it as about seven or eight feet long and four feet wide, and he 
believed it had some markings on it; but when I visited the place 
with him we found there was no stone. Mr. Kincaid, the present 
owner of the farm, did not remember it, but Mr. Healy clearly 
remembered Mr. Kincaid's father winnowing com on it over 
forty years ago. 

The local tradition is that St. Ailbhe was born at this rock, or 
under this stone — it is not very clear; but old people were in the 
habit of visiting the rock and reciting prayers on the 12th of 
September, the feast of St. Ailbhe, up to forty years ago, and the 
water which lay in some natural cavities of the rock, was used as 
a cure. Mr. Healy informed me that in the field where the stone 
lay human remains (skulls, &c.) had been found many years ago, 
and that it is believed to have been an ancient cemetery. 

Though the stone has disappeared, and prayers have ceased to 
be offered on St. Ailbhe 's festival, 8 this place was a centre of 
devotion from a very early period. In Plummer's Lives of Irish 
Saiiits, 9 after relating the incidents connected with Ailbhe 's birth, 
it continues the legend as related in the Life. 

7 Elly (Ailbhe) is a common Christian name in the district, changed 
in some cases by the rate collectors into Oliver ! 

8 It is probable this stone was not destroyed, and may be buried deep 
in some portion of the field. In later years it may have led to super- 
stition; or for some other reason it was not considered right to encourage 
the visits to this rock, the stone was removed, and the visits ceased. Sec 
O'Hanlon's Lives, vol. ix, p. 283 n. 66. 

9 Oxford, 1910, vol. 2, p. 46. 


" Et precepit rex servis suis ut occideretur puer. Inspirante 
autem spiritu sancto in servis illis, non occiderunt puerum, sed 
sub quadam petra posuerunt eum, ibique reliquerunt ; ubi nomen 
eius usque hodie adoratur." 

Close to the rock on the S. E. in a field at the entrance to Mr. 
Kincaid's farm , the remains of an old church stood some years 
ago. No portion of it is now to be seen there, but I was shown the 
moulded stones of the doors and windows built into the openings 
of the out-offices on the farm. The farm offices were probably 
built with the remains of the old church. This was probably the 
'•' Chapel of Corbally, " before referred to, as included in the taxa- 
tion of Pope Nicholas, and held by the Hospitallers of Aney. As 
an ancient centre of devotion, and no doubt a source of revenue, it 
is natural to suppose that a chapel would be maintained here. 

This church stood just on the boundary line of the present 
parish of Ballyscadden, and may have been the site of the ancient 
church of Kilrath mentioned in the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick, 
which was close to the fort of Coirpre and Brocan. On the Down 
Survey map of Coshlea, Rathgullane — evidently a monumental 
rath — is marked close to this in Ballyscadden parish, where 
O'Flaherty was positive Kilrath was situated. 10 The demesne, 
lands, and residences, now occupying the entire of this parish, 
must have led to the removal of many ancient land marks. The 
remains of another old church may be seen in the demesne lands 
of Ryve's Castle. 

The Lake District. 

To understand the topography of this district from the early 
texts, it is important to consider what portions of it afford evidence 
of having been under water in ancient times, 11 forming the lakes 
referred to in the records. 

Emly or Imleach Iubhair (the lake side place of the yew tree) 
was at one time almost entirely surrounded by water, and a lake 
existed there up to 200 years ago. 12 The district according to 
Keating was one of woods, bogs, and morasses. It is clear the 
lake extended westwards by the line of the Dromcomoge river close 
to Knocklong. The local tradition is that a boat could sail at one 
time from Knocklong to Emly. The lake also flowed south and 

10 Archdall's Monasticon, p. 425. " Near the mountain called Claire 
in Ara Cliach." 

11 In the map prepared to illustrate these notes, a general idea of the 
area under water is indicated by the dots; of course, no defined line of 
boundary could be attempted. The contouring of the ordnance maps 
was helpful when examining the district. It may have been divided 
into smaller lakes, but this could not now be determined. In the tract 
on the siege of Knocklong in the Book of Lismore, Ciiu Mail, son of 
tJgaine, is described as " a wet laky cliu, great its waters, great its 

12 O'Hanlon's Lives, St. Ailbhe, vol. ix, Sept. 12th. Diocese of Emly, 
Seymour, p. 71. Keating's History (Irish Texts), vol. iii, p. 22. 

Plate V] 

[To face page 102 



east, covering the area west of Bally wire and north of Duntry- 
league, marked on the Down Survey map as " the red bog." This 
lake drained to the south, into the Samair. In the tract on the 
siege of Knocklong (see infra) we read of contests at the ford, 
between the Munster men from Claire and Cormac's soldiers from 
Knocklong. " Raithin in imairic (probably the present Raheen), 
N. W. of Ath na n Oc, " is referred to. West of this was doubtless 
moor and morass up to the Moanour mountain. 

St. Patrick's journey from Kildare to Ardpatrick, as related in 
Agallamh na Senoracli, n brings him by Leix, and Aghaboe, past 
the clar or expanse of Derrymore, past the Corroges of Cleghile 
(near Tipperary) to Cuillenn na Cuanach (Cullen), past leim in 
fheinneda (the Eians' or champions' leap) to Aenach Culi mna 
Neachtain, now called Aenach setach sen Clochair, the cattle rich 
fair of old Clochar, and across Ath Braengair, which is now called 
Ath Mor, past Cenn Eebhrat of Sliabh Caoin to the southward by 
tulach na feinne, or hill of the Fianna, which now is called Ard- 
patrick. This passage from Cullen to the south would be east of 
Emly, and skirting the east side of the lake. On this stretch of 
water would be found " leim in fheimieda," probably close to 
Aughaclarcen, which I should say marks the ancient ford crossing 
into the plain of Knocklong, now the parish of Ballyscadden, and 
south of Knocklong on to Elton, joining the great " Clar Mumhan, " 
or plain of Munster. It is by that ford St. Patrick would cross to 
pass Aenach Culi mna Neachtain. 

There is evidence that the Morning Star, or Samair river, ex- 
panded into a lake south of Knocklong, and extended eastwards 
towards the present source of the river and its tributary streams 
to the south of Duntryleague. Erom the contour of this ground it 
must have been swampy, even in the historic period. The drainage 
of that district might alter the supposed source of the Morning 

The ford across this portion of the river from the north was, no 
oubt, at the place now called Aughavoona, Ath an mhona, the 
ord of the bog. This must have been an important passage to the 
south, and identical with the Ath mor or Ath Braengair mentioned 
in Agallamh na Senorach. u Close to this ford on the north-east 
is Ilaunaholta moat (pronounced locally II. lawn. na. howl tha), 
which is understood to mean the island of the hoarding. The re- 
mains of a low earthwork exists here; perhaps it was constructed 
for the defence of the ford. 

The lake or lakes south of Knocklong extended over the ground 
around Ballinahinch (town of the island) and Island-dromagh (the 

13 W. Stokes, Windisch's Irische Text, vol. iv, p. 20. 1900. 

This ford is not mentioned in O'Grady's Version (Silva Gadelica). 
It is valuable as defining this route more clearly, as distinct from the 
more reliable details recorded in the Tripartite Life. 


island of the ridges), and close to Enilygrennan, probably spread- 
ing south and west towards Kilfinane. The Samair narrowed as it 
flowed north to the fords of Ahadoon and Athneasy (Ath nDeise), 
which was where Elton bridge now stands. The river flowing north 
and west towards Bruff , drains some very low-lying lands, which 
may have been to some extent submerged, forming the lakes we 
read of at Knockany. It is certain that in ancient times the 
Samair was a wide and important river and tribal boundary, 
though it is now but a narrow, shallow stream. It was one of the 
seven great rivers of Ireland. 


The different forms in which this name appears in the records 15 
from the Imelach Dregingi of the twelfth century to Imelach 
Dreyn, Imelach Dreynyn, Emeligrennan, on to Emlach grenan in 
the sixteenth century, while somewhat confusing, is remarkable 
as preserving throughout in different forms the word imleacli, a 
place bordering on a lake ; grianan means a beautiful or sunny 
place, and in some cases a royal fort, so that the fort, or sunny 
place by the lake side, would explain the place name. Joyce, 
following O'Donovan, and having had no suggestion of a lake 
before him, explains the name by a process of eclipsing b by m, 
and otherwise (which does not appear very clear, even to Dr. 
Joyce) as bile Ghroidhnin, or Grynan's old tree. However, he 
suggests that there may have been a desire to assimilate the name 
with the well-known Emly, Co. Tipperary, but he was not aware 
that the same reason applied. Here, too, was " Dubthach's fort is 
to the north-east. 

Loch Luinge or Long a. 

Knocklong, originally known as Druimdamhghaire, the hill of 
the oxen, was the scene of a battle in the third century between 
Cormac Mac Art, King of Ireland, and Fiacha Muilleathan, King 
of Munster. Cormac encamped on this hill, since which time it 
has been known as Cnoc luinge (Knocklong), the hill of the en- 
campment. There is also a townland called Ballinlonga, and the 
ancient name of the parish was Doon and Long. It might natur- 
ally be supposed that the lake at the foot of Cnoc luinge would be 
known as Loch Luinge, but there are many other questions to be 
considered before arriving at that conclusion. 

In O'Hanlon's Lives it is stated 17 that when 

" St. Patrick was at Ardpatrick he had laid out the lines for building 
a church. The chief or dynast of the place named Derbhallus, the son 

W Proceedings B. I. A. (Westropp), vol. xxvi, p. 428. 

16 Metrical Bind shenc has (Gwynn), Todd Lecture Series, vol x, p. 231. 
Perhaps it was the arianan. or royal fort, which gave the name. 

17 Vol. iii, St. Patrick, p. 708. 



of Aidus, was a scoffer and sceptic, who wished to put the holy 
missionary's power at fault. According to Jocelyn, this nobleman of 
Munster (by him named Cearbhallus) would not permit St. Patrick to 
build a church within his territories. Not far from the nobleman's 
house was a fair and spacious lake, called Loch Longa, very pleasant 
to behold, but owing to the interposition of a great mountain called 
Kennsebhrad (Cenn Abhrat) his house was deprived of that grateful 
prospect. The saint urged the nobleman very much to give him leave 
-to build a church. The chief answered : ' If you remove this great 
mountain that deprives my house of the pleasant prospect over that 
broad and spacious lake lying in Fera Maighe Feine, on the further 
side, I will then yield to your request for building a church. The saint 
offered up to God his prayers, and the earth, it is related, swallowed 
down the mountain. Notwithstanding, the perfidious man would not 
stand to his former promise. Wherefore, the saint prayed to God a 
second time, when the mountain forthwith swelled up to its former 
height and greatness." The version in the Tripartite Life is : " If you 
would remove that mountain there, so that I could see Loch Longa 
across it, to the south, in Fera Maighe Feine, I would believe, .... 
Cenn Abhrat is the name of the mountain, and Belach Legtha (melted 
pass) is the name of the pass which was melted there." In this, the 
second prayer of the saint is not recorded, and the gap through which 
a view of Loch Longa was obtained is referred to as Belach Leghtha, 
the road of melting. 

Both accounts locate Loch Longa in Fera-Maighe-Feine, 18 
.and the mountain as Cenn Abrat. The lake has not been identi- 
fied; there have been many suggestions as to its position in 
Fermoy, suggested by drawing a line from Ardpatrick through the 
pass in the Ballyhoura mountains which runs south-east into 
Fermoy. This places it near Mitchelstown. Hogan's Onomasti- 
•con states " it is still existing a broad, shallow pool near Marshals- 
town, according to 0''Longan in the two Fermoy 's," but the name 
of this ' ' broad and spacious lake ' ' does not survive, and the loca- 
tion is all conjecture, nor can any view of Fermoy be obtained 
from Ardpatrick through the pass. 

The curious feature of the topography disclosed by these 
legends is, that, standing at Ardpatrick and looking towards 
Fermoy, which is south-east of it, Cenn Abrat does not come into 
the line of vision, as it is about six miles in a direct line north-east 
of Ardpatrick ; but looking from Ardpatrick towards the lake basin 
I have described at Cnoc Luinge, the entire lake would come into 
view, just beyond the west end of Cenn Abrat, and the road by 
that end of Slievereagh might be called Belach Leghtha. The 
reading of these legends without question, has led to much con- 
fusion in the topography of this district in the past, and on into 
our own time. 

As Cenn Abrat was the present' mountain known as Slievereigh, 
then Loch Luinge could not have been south of Ardpatrick, or in 
the present barony of Fermoy, and there appears to be good reason 
for placing it south of Cnoc luinge (Knocklong). 

18 Generally understood to be the same as the present baronies of 
Fermoy, and Condons and Clangibbon, in the Co. Cork. 


The only explanation of the legend that would agree with the 
topography is that a portion of Feara-Muighe-Feine was in the 
Co. Limerick, and extended to the north of Ardpatrick. If the 
ancient nam© means the men of the plain of the Fianna, and Ard- 
patrick was known as " the hill of the Fianna," it suggests some 
connection. The Irish texts afford evidence in many ways, show- 
ing the close connection of the Fianna with the plain of Coshlea 
and the district. 

Feaka Muighe Feine (Fermoy). 

The " Topography of Fermoy," a tract from the Book of Lis- 
more, as translated by O'Longan, affords valuable information; 
though the translator believing from the legend that Loch 
Luinge should be in the Co. Cork, in attempting to locate it, has 
unfortunately, made several mistakes. 

The tract states 19 : ' ' This country was in two Triuchs before 
it was given to Mogh Ruth, and there were eight Tuaths in each 
Triuch, and the line; of demarcation between these two Triuchs 
was, namely, the course of Glaisse Muilinn Mairteil, the stream 
of the mill of Martell, in Sliabh Cain, and Loch Luinge on 
the Machaire (on the plain), and Gleann na nDibergachael (glen 
of the brigands), on Moin Mor, and when being given to Mogh 
Ruth these were made into one Triuch .... and after that 
it was arranged into ten Tuaths. 20 

From the mention of Sliabh Cain (or Caoin) in these boun- 
daifes, attention is naturally directed to this group of mountains 
in the Co. Limerick. Quite close to Ardpatrick, on the north-east, 
we find MortelTstown, evidently an important centre, from the 
remains of the fine fort — Cahir Mortell 21 — still to be seen there 
occupying a commanding position over the plain of the Co. 
Limerick, and Cnoc Luinge (Knocklong) to the north, at the foot 
of which, on the plain, was the lake, which I believe to have been 
Loch Luinge, and which, according to this tract, formed the 
northern limit of this line of demarcation. The southern termi- 
nation of the line was at a glen in Moin Mor, which I think has 
been satisfactorily shown by O'Longan to have been in the Nagle 
Mountains, that form part of the southern boundary of Fermoy 

19 Monasticon Hibernicum, Archdall. Edited by Dr. Moran, vol. i. 
p. 128. 

20 O'Longan supposes this stream (which he suggests was one of the 
" Mortar Mill ") to be one running into the Funshion, north-west of 
Marshalstown, near Mitch elstown, where he also suggests Loch Luinge 
was situated, because of a place called " Baile an Locha," found marked 
on the Down Survey Map, south of Mitchelstown. Moin Mor he believes 
to be in the Nagle Mountains. 

21 Proceedings B. I. A., vol. xxxiii (Westropp), p. 475. It was Marten's 
town in the Plea Rolls of Ed. II., a.d. 1-317. 


barony. This line, in the Co. Cork, would roughly indicate the 
eastern boundary of the present barony of Fermoy, separating it 
from Condons and Clangibbon, and probably the latter barony 
formed the second Triuch which was given to Mogh Euth. 

The Awbeg river, which rises near Dromina in the north-west 
of the barony of Orrery and Kilmore, flows mainly through the 
barony of Fermoy, discharging into the Blackwater, south of 
Castletownroche. It gives a name to one of the tribes in Fermoy — 
the Hi Becc Abha — and a boundary for some districts, with their 
patronymics; but it is unnecessary for my purpose to enlarge upon- 
that portion of the translation, the sole object in referring to it 
being to show that the ancient Feara Muighe Feine included the 
plain of the Co. Limerick between Ardpatrick (Mortellstown) and 
Loch Luinge. 

The Tuath of the Hi Becc Abha would appear to -have been 
formed " around the river." South of the river it extended to 
Moananimy. " The other half of that Tuath is Hi Becc upper." 
This lay north of the Awbeg river as it flows west and east, and 
" both sides " of the river, where it flows north and south. It 
embraced the entire of the present parish of Doner aile, some ad- 
joining parishes, and probably a small portion of the barony of 
Orrery and Kilmore, then " East (and north) to Loch Luinge," 
which appears to have been the extreme northern limit of the 
Tuath. 22 

Another Tuath described was " Tuath O'n-Duinnin, and its 
length was from the summit of Sliabh Cain to Eachlascaib Molaga, 
and its breadth is from Glaise Muillin Marteil to Beam Mic 
Imhair. O'Lannain is chief of this Tuath. Hi Cineadha and 
Hi Seansain and Hi Dungassa and Hi Dungaile are its patro- 
nymics, and Cill Maincheas is their burial place." 

In this case Slieve Cain evidently refers to Slievereagh, from 
the summit of which to Leaba Molaga — just inside the boundary 
of the Co. Cork — indicates a well-defined length for the Tuath, 
north to south. The breadth west to east, from Mortellstown to 
Beam Mic Imhair, is also intelligible. The pass must be to the 
east of Slievereagh, and may be that known as " Glenaree." The 
burial place, Cill Maincheas, I should suppose was Ardpatrick. 
Mainchin of Luimnech was of the race of Cormac Cas. This 
Tuath, portion of Feara Muighe Feine, was entirely in the Co. 

The information provided by this tract proves conclusively 
that Feara Muighe Feine extended to the north of Ardpatrick, and 
bordering on Loch Luinge (still further north), and beyond Cenn 
Abrat. In this way the legend of Belach Leghtha, or the melted 

22 The location cf this Tuath, and its boundaries effectually disposes 
of all attempts to locate Loch Luinge near Mitch elst own. 


pass, as we find it in the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick, which has 
puzzled all our antiquaries, and led to many mistakes in topo- 
graphy for so long a time, is explained. 

Cenn Abrat. 

To establish the identity of Cenn Abrat with Slievereagh is 
most important. I have already in the Journal of the North 
Munstcr Archaeological Society, 23 when writing on Cenn Abrat, 
brought forward such evidence as I could find in support of that 
opinion. Since then I have collected other texts, which are more 
convincing. With that paper I prepared a plan of the stone 
circles 24 at the eastern end from measurements and photographs 
supplied me by the late Dr. George Fogerty, who, with his usual 
kindness, ascended the mountain while I was engaged in measur- 
ing Doonglara. 

Up to this the statement that Slievereagh is the Cenn Abrat of 
Sliab Caoin is merely conjecture, based on a reasonable inference 
from the reading of the Irish Texts. This is verified by a passage 
in Teacht Imtheact an Giolla Deacair 25 In describing the hunt- 
ing expedition of the Fenians into Munster, it relates that they 
leave Allen, march through OfTaly, by Fercall and the twelve 
mountains of Feidhlimthe to Cliu Mail Mic Ughaine, to Droum 
Collchoilli now Cnoc Aine, and then spread out their forces all 
over the country to Tulach na Fairsinge (Ard Padraig) and to 
Cend Amhra (recte AX)^at>) Sliabh Caoin, which is called Sliabh 
Riabhach. This passage is a distinct identification of Cenn Abrat 
of Sliab Caoin with Slievereagh (Sliabh Riabhach). It should be 
noted that in this precise description it is not mentioned that the 
mountain was ever known as Sliab Claire, as some writers believe. 

The inference from the texts is that this entire range or group 
of mountains were known as Sliab Caoin, 26 just as we know Slieve 
Phelim in the north, Slieve Mis, and other mountain ranges. It 

23 Vol. ii, p. 7, and note. 

24 Shown on the new 6-inch Ordinance sheet, Co. Limerick, No. 49. The 
" Cromlech/' also discovered, and marked on the same map, is a 
spurious one, merely the accidental formation of the disintegrating 
rocky surface of the mountain. " The Pinnacle," " Labbabiertha," and 
the " Benches," are names introduced into the new map. The local 
seanchaidhe never heard of " The Pinnacle " — a name in English for 
such remains is not convincing — " Labbabiertha " is but a natural 
fissure, or hole, in the rocky cliff formation. The value of these new 
maps to the archaeologist is greatly impaired by the freedom which was 
allowed to the surveyors, when obtaining information concerning 

25 Published by the Gaelic League. 1905. The MS. is more detailed 
than that used by Mr. O'Grady in Silva Gaclelica, p. 2. I am indebted 
to the Rev. J. McErlean, S.J., for this reference. He was pleased to take 
an interest in my contributions to the Journal of the N. M. A. S., and, 
after their publication, made some valuable suggestions to me fcr which 
I feel very grateful. 

26 Caoin, meaning pleasant, fertile, smooth or even surface. 


lias been assumed, and frequently stated, that Caoin is derived 
from the passage in the Agallamh which relates that Derg 
Dualach's son Caen was buried on Cenn Febrat. 27 . As the death 
of Caen was subsequent to the death of Febhra, which event gave 
the mountain its name, " Cenn Febrat of Sliab Caoin " would not 
be the proper expression. However, this connection with Caen 
is frequently referred to. The A. F. M. records (vol. vi, p. 2119) 
Essex journeying towards " Oeann Feabhrat of Sliabh Caoin, the 
son of Dearg Dulach, " and Cenn Abrat, and sometimes the group 
of mountains, are referred to as Sliab Cain, or Caoin, in various 
Irish texts. 


In the continuation of the narrative in the Mesca TJlad 28 (p. 19), we 
find " ' Query however,' said Conor, ' what do you wish ? ' ' We desire/ 
said Celtchair, son of Uthidir, ' to be a day and night in the territory 
in which we are; because 'twere a sign .of defeat to us to go out of it, 
for it is not a fox's track with us in valley or waste, or wood.' ' Speak, 
then, O Cuchulaind,' said Conor, ' what is the proper place of encamp- 
ment for us during this day and night ? ' ' Old Aenach Clochair is here,' 
said Cuchulaind, ' and this rough winter season is not fair time. And 
Tara Luachra is on the slopes of the eastern Lauchair, and in it are the 
residences and structures.' c To go to Tara Luachra then is what is 
right/ said Sencha, son of Ailill. They went on in the straight direction 
of the road to Tara Luachra, and Cuchulaind as a guide before them." 

When the Ultonians arrived on the green, Curio Mac Dairi sent 
a messenger out to bid them welcome. Sencha replied: It is 
pleasing to us, and pleasing to the King, and it was not to commit 
injury or conflict the Ulidians came, but in a drunken fit from 
Dun-da-bend to Cliu of Mai, son of Ugaine, and they deemed it 
not honourable to go out of the district until they would be a night 
encamped in it. " 

This very clearly describes Tara Luachra as in Cliu Mai, on the 
slopes of the eastern Luachair, and not far distant from Knockany, 
and a site on the western side of Cenn Abrat answers to that de- 

There have been various conjectures as to the site of Tara 
Luachra, the general opinion being that it was somewhere in the 
range of mountains between Limerick and Kerry, known as Sliabh 
Luachra. The vicinity of Castleisland, Duagh, Abbeyfeale, or 
Drumcollogher, has been suggested. The trouble has arisen 
chiefly from the want of reliable- information as to the extent of 
the district known as Luachair. It was at one time supposed that 
it was confined to the Co. Kerry, and Tara Luachra was sought 
for there. It is now admitted that Luachair was more extensive, 
and included Cenn Abrat (Onomasticon). 

When at Knockany, the question arose as to where the 

27 Silva Gadelica, p. 524. 

28 Todd Lecture Series R. I. A., vol. i, p. 19. 


Ulidians should encamp during that day and night. Cuchulaind 
gave them the option of Old Aenach-Clochair, which was at hand 
(a few miles south), or " Tara Luachra, on the slopes of the 
eastern Luachair. " This could not mean a camping ground near 
any of the places mentioned in the south-west, the nearest of 
which would be thirty to forty miles distant; but a place where 
they could encamp for that day, Cuchulaind reminding them that 
at Tara-Luacra " were the residences and structures " — probably 
to protect them from the snow, then falling — and Tara-Luachra 
was selected. 

The slopes of Cenn Abrat, which Mr. Westropp has identified 
as Temair Erann, 29 with its raths, would justify the description. 
Imleach Grianan (Emly grenan), at which there is a castle, may 
mark the site of the royal fort. It was " Dubthach's keep " in 
the Dindshenchas (see supra). 

In the Metrical Dindshenchas 30 of Temair Luachra, we read — 

" it was a flowery plain, set with thorn, 
" till the date of the sons of Ugaine 

It was comely for the children of Dedad, 
when their home was at Temair; 
Comely was Temair round their house 
in the time of Dedad, son of Sen. 

The night Conn was born 
Erin was flooded at one blow; 
'twas then Loch Eiach arose 
and Loch Lein above Luachair." 

These lines identify Tara Luachra with Cliu Mai, son of 
Ugaine, in which stands Cenn Abrat; also with Ledad, son of 
sen, from whom the Dedad Ernai, whose cemetery is on Cenn 
Abrat, descended. Loch, Eiach in " the flowery plain " may have 
been the name for the lake at the foot of Sliab Eiach (Cenn Abrat). 
The lake district here was extensive (see supra and map) in pre- 
historic times, probably much more than I have ventured to 

O'Donovan, in Leabhar na gCeart, p. 254, states that Team- 
hair Earann and Teamhair Luachra are the same. 

Bound is the King of Teamhair of lords 
To go (taking) the same number with him 
And no son of a plebian there 
To eat the feast of the Earna. 

The King of Munster was bound to stay for " a week at Team- 
hair Luachra Deaghaidh " for this feast of the Earna. 

In the Agallamh (p. 176) Cailte refers to " the red stag that 
haunted in the open lands of well-watered Luachra, in the south/' 

29 Proceedings R. I. A., vol. xxxiv, p. 179 (Westropp). 

30 R. I. A., Todd Lecture Series, vol. x, (E. Gwynn), p. 287. 


This would apply to Cenn Abrat. There is no lake district at the 
other sites suggested. Cailte has before referred to the stags at 
" ample Loch Bo." Here, too, there was wood, and bog, and 
royal raths, all as described in Mesca Ulad (p. 21). The references 
to their approaching Temhair " from the east " when Knockany 
bears north may be explained by their passing Aenach-Clochair, 
to the ford, at Aughavoona, from which their passage would be 
from the east, to Imleach-Grianan. The entire distance would not 
be more than nine or ten miles. 

In Silva Gadelica (p. 523) we read: " Whence Temhair 
Luachra-Tara of Luchair. ... As for Luachair itself . . . 
it was " a flowery plain," in which Suir, Nore, and Barrow had 
their source, also Lochs Biach, and Lein in Luachair. Loch Lein 
is at Killarney, towards which the Kerry Luachra extended. The 
lake at Cenn Abrat or Sliab Biach may have been called Loch 
Biach, in Luachair, 31 which would still further support the sugges- 
tion that Tara Luachra was on Cenn Abrat. There is evidence in 
the Irish texts and old maps of the lakes in this district having 
been known by different names at different periods. 

While the Four Masters record, a.d. 1580, that Sir William 
Pelham " proceeded to Temhair-Luachra, and thence to Tralee," 
the Deputy himself in his report only mentions that ' ' on the 16th 
we entered Sleulogher," . . . . " encamped at Duagh " 
(Dowau), ..." and marched next day to Tralee." In this 
there is no mention of Tara-Luachrai, but of Sliabh-Luaehra. In 
my opinion it is the report should be relied on, and this does not 
indicate the site of Tara-Luachra. 

The silver bow of Crimthan that was carried to ' ' Cenn Febrat ' ' 
after the destruction of Temair Luachra by the Uladh probably 
refers to the fort known as Doonglara (Keating calls it Cenn 
Eebrat). It was not far distant on the same mountain. 

There are some details of the narrative — as in all such tales — 
which are inaccurate or contradictory, and require explanation. 
One such is where the Ulidians are described as crossing the 
river Maigue in their journey from north-east Limerick to 
Knockany, which is not correct. The river crossed was the Drom- 
commogue, a tributary of the Maigue. If the topography of Mesca 
Ulad is to be relied on — and in the main it is accurate^ — then the 
proximity of Aenach Clochair and Tara Luachra to Knockany is 

Should any doubt be entertained as to Mr. Westropp's identi- 
fication of Tara Erann at Cenn Abrat, the location of Tara Luachra 
there should help to sustain his reasoning. The place where the 
feast of the Ernai was celebrated would naturally be called 
Temair Erann; in Leabhar na gCeart it is stated to have been cele- 

This differs from Loch Riach, or Loughrea. See Onomasticon. 


brated at " Temliair Luachra Deaghaidh," which was probably 
an older name for the cemetery of the Ernai ; no doubt, it was for 
this reason 0' Gurry and 'Donovan believed them to be the same, 
though they did not suppose they were situated in Coshlea. 

Carn Meic Nairbreach. 

In the Agallamh, Cailte is asked: " Where was Oilioll Olum, 
son of Mogh Nuadat slain ? ' ' He reples : ' ' On the summit of 
Sliabh Claire; he died of apoplexy brought on by grief." 

The discovery of the stone circles on the eastern end of Slieve- 
reagh induced some writers to identify them as the remains of 
the residence or burial place of Olioll Olum, and to support the 
opinion that Slievereagh was Sliab Claire. This conclusion must 
have been arrived at without due consideration of the geological 
formation of Slievereagh. The site of the circles, or any portion 
of the surroundings on the summit, could never have been used 
as the site of a royal residence. It is all a barren rock of red sand- 
stone conglomerate, which has been disintegrating and decompos- 
ing for ages. The photographs give some idea of the mountain 

The stones forming " the circles " on the eastern end of 
Slievereagh, on Ordnance Survey map No. 49, Co. Limerick, are 
as shown on the plan. When I prepared the first plan of these 
circles I described them as probably two concentric circles outside 
the remains of a dolmen or cairn. I have given the question 
further consideration, and changed my opinion somewhat. I have 
completed the outer circle on the plan (see dotted lines). It 
appears evident t-hat this circle (about 45 feet in diameter), when 
complete, could have rested within the " Benches," while the 
second " circle," and the stones inside of it, mark the base of a 
cairn about 26 feet in diameter, enclosing the tomb, of which the 
inner stones formed part. 

There is no Cromlech " (marked on Ordnance Survey Map) 
on the mountain. There are several blocks of stone resting on the 
rocky surface of the mountain; but, as Dr. Fogerty writes 32 " if 
a Cromleac is something built by human hands, there is none." 

From the circumstances connected with the death of Dadera 
mac Dairbreach at the battle of Cenn Abrat it is reasonable to sup- 
pose that these circles are the remains of " Carn Meic Nair- 
breach " raised over his grave. The study of the description of 
the battle of Cenn Abhrad published in Anecdota? 3 should remove 
some doubts and correct many errors regarding the topography of 
this district. 

The following may be taken as a brief summary. At the 

32 Journal N. M. A. S., vol. ii, p. 15. 

33 Anecdota from Irish MSB. (1908), vol. fi, pp. 76-79. 



beginning of the battle, Oilioll Olum was stationed at Magh Loclia, 
and Mac Con at Cenn Abhrad. Amongst Mac Con's soldiers was 
Enbais diada from whom Creag Enbaisi in Sliabli Caoin is called. 
Mac Con occupied Tulach na Teannala (Hill of camp fires or 
torches), then he and his forces mounted to Mullach Sleibe Cenn 
Abrad, whence he had a view of all the armies through the moun- 
tain. Oilioll Olum plans treachery towards Mac Con. Mac Con 
decided to meet Oilioll Olum, and they have an interview at the 
ford. The three Cairbres (allies of Oilioll Olum), who commanded 

Plan of Stone Circles, Slievereagh. 

6,000 warriors, moved by a false rumour that Oilioll Olum had 
made peace with Mac Con without consulting them, " rose up in 
anger and rage," and " with the fury of uncontrolled passion " led 
their hosts to the Ford, and, casting their helmets from their heads 
into the Ford, gave battle, whence the place is called Ath mBeann- 
Choir 34 (Beanna, literally peaks, points) from the peaks or points 
of the helmets which the warriors put from them there. 35 This ford 
was probably Ath Mor, now Aghavoona. 

Mac Con mustered his forces, but he was unable to withstand 
the onslaught, and he himself was in danger, but his rigdruith 
(royal jester), Dadera mac Dairbreach, got him to exchange 
insignia with him, and then fled through the mountains. Thinking 

_ 34 This is probably the same as Ath Braengair, now (Aghavoona) men- 
tioned in Agallamh na Senorach (W. Stoke's translation). See supra, 
describing St. Patrick's .journey south to Ardpatrick. 

35 For a description of the horns, or peaks of metal on helmets, see 
Journal B. S. A. I., vol. xlii, p. 11, M. E. Dobbs. 


Dadera was Mac Con, Cairbre Muse followed him, overtook him, 
and cut off his head. ' ' From him Cam Meic Nairbreach is called. 
Having discovered his mistake, Cairbre pursued Mac Con till he 
reached Leitir Cenn Abrad (the rocky portion of Cenn Abrad), but 
Mac Con and his forces fled southwards to Magh Femin ; this would 
be by the eastern end of Slievereagh, Kilbehenny, and leading to 
South Tipperary (Ma and Offa West). " Cairbre succeeded in 
wounding Mac Con in the thigh, but he escaped to Rossach Ruagh, 
and after he recovered from his wound he was not in Erin until 
the time when he gained the Kingship of Erin." 

This description establishes in the first place the fact that the 
Samhair river was then a tribal boundary, and it so remained for 
centuries. Olioll Olum, with his forces of the Dergthene, were on 
the north side of the river, while Mac Con with the Ernai and their 
allies were on Cenn Abrat, on the south side. " They met at the 
Ford." Magh Locha must have been the plain north of the Loch, 
and extending from Duntryleague, Olioll Olum's stronghold, south 
of Ballyscadden and Knocklong on towards Knockany, where it 
joined the great plain of the Co. Limerick. 

From the disposition of the rival forces it is clear that the fort 
Doonglara was not a stronghold of Olioll Olum's. It was situated 
in the enemies' country. The fort of Olioll Olum, no doubt, 
formed his " base of operations," and must have been on the 
north side, and Duntryleague (Claire) naturally suggests itself. 

Mac Con ascended to Mullach Sliebe Cinn Abrad. This would 
have been the eastern end (the only place to obtain a view 
" through the mountain "), and over Doonglara. After this we 
find him at the ford Ath Beannchoir, Ath Mor, now Aghavoona. 
In this way the fighting appears to have been concentrated on the 
eastern end of Cenn Abrat, which was also the line of retreat for 
Mac Con's forces, passing Doonglara, on the way to Magh Femin 
via Glenaree, Kilbehenny, &c. 

This would naturally be the route taken by Dadera mac Dair- 
breach, disguised as Mac Con, when he was followed and slain by 
Cairbre Muse, and points to the stone circles over Doonglara as the 
remains of " Cam mac Nairbreach." 

There is nothing in the foregoing account of the battle to lead 
to the belief that the entire mountain was not known as Cenn 
Abrat, but there are other texts from which it might be inferred 
that Cenn Abrat was supposed to be one of the peaks of Slieve- 

In Mac Raith's poem 36 the author appears to be of this opinion. 
He thus describes his dream on Cend Febrat : 

I met one that described to me 
the situation of the graves in full 
in the well-remembered stronghold 
set in due order on Cend Febrat. 

36 Metrical Dindshenchas (Gwynn), Todd Lecture Series, vol. x } p. 227. 

Plate VI] 

[To face page 115 



The grave of Cain, son of Derg, long-haired and strong, 
from whom is named Sliab Cain of the victory- 
appeared to be on my right hand 
the neglect was cause of strife. 

In the four succeeding verses the poet describes the situation 
of the graves of different leaders of the Ernai 37 and their wives, 
all on the western slope of Genu Abrat. The verse following is : 

East of them comes on the mount 
the grave of Dodera in his brown cloak, 
after he was foully slain for ever, 
it is not far from, Cend Febrat. 

This verse gives strong support to the conjecture formed from 
the description of the battle of Cenn Abrat (supra) that Dodera's 
grave was on the east side of Slievereagh, at the " stone circles." 
The poet locates it east of the other graves of the Ernai, on the 
mount, and not far from Cend Febrat. 

" Dodera in his brown cloak " may refer to portion of the dis- 
guise which he was said to wear at the time he was slain. The 
poem continues : 

Since the Tuatha De seized 

the soil of Fotla, noble in beauty, 

above the ranks of the noble druids in general 

is the branch of Cend Febrat. 

The Head of Febrat, the Head of Currech, 
and the Head of the stern-smiting Claire, 
and the Head of Aife his wife, 
which ancient speech of sages touches upon. 

By the son of Fland of Loch Slemain 

their doings are not unremembered, 

there remain here for a while, with their possessions, 

four memorials of the ancient heads. 

I should say that the " heads " in above verse apply to person- 
alities, druids, or gods, of the Tuatha De — not mountain peaks. 
The translator appears to be of this opinion, as he notes (p. 519), 
*■■' The ' possessions ' must be the mounds where the heads are 
buried." " For a while " would explain the temporary nature of 
the " memorials," such as grave mounds, which disappear in time. 
However, it is possible the poet may refer to both the mounds and 
the mountain peaks if the connection appeared clear. 

Caen Eiabhach. 

To return to the cairn of Dodera on the eastern end of Slieve : 
reagh, with a diameter of about 26 feet, it would form a very 
striking landmark on the mountain, and, being constructed of red 
sandstone, be of a bright brown colour, 38 and known as Cam 

37 See Proceedings B. I. A. (Westropp), vol. xxxiv, p. . 179. 

38 " Riabhach is brown rather than grey/' Proceedings B. I. A. (T, J. 
Westropp), vol. xxxiii, n., p. 459. 



Riabhach. In the boundaries of the Dal g Cais at one time, as- 
given in Onomasticon Goedelicum, we find Cam Riabhach 3& ' 
given amongst the southern landmarks. It is probable that this- 
remarkable cairn, and tribal boundary, in time, gave its name to 
the entire mountain, Sliabh Riabhach (Slievereagh), and, possibly,. 
Loch Riach (see supra). 

Kno ckl ar a (Kno ckl aura) . 

Surprise is expressed by writers 40 who connect the stone 
circles with Olioll Olum, and believe Slievereagh to be the Sliab 
Claire of the Agallamh, on which that monarch died, at O 'Donovan 
(who believed Claire to be at Duntryleague) for not having noticed, 
the survival of the name Claire in the townland of Knocklara 
(Knocklairy, Knocklaura) Cnoc g Claire, close to the fort marked 
Doonglara, said to be Dun gClaire. However, this may not have 
been so clear, seeing that it adjoins Glenlara into the etymology of 
which Claire does not enter. It is probable that the name is- 
derived from the small earthen spur fort which is found here ' r 
" not a true spur fort, but a defaced liss." 41 Loath-rath (Lara),, 
meaning half fort, is an Irish compound, from which it is 
believed the termination is derived in many cases. Thus, from 
this incomplete rath, we have Cnoc Leath-rath, Knocklara. 

The passage of the Sugan Earl, as recorded by the Four Masters r 
1600 — " Through Aherloe to Bearna Derg, passing to the east of 
Sliab Claire." is also urged against 'Donovan. From the map it 
will be seen that the route (through Galbally) is east of Duntry- 
league. Those early chroniclers generally note but four points of 
the compass ; and the line of route could not properly be described 
as south of Duntryleague. 

St. Molua and St. Lachtain of Bealach Feabhrath. 

St. Molua was a native of the Co. Limerick. 42 He returned 
from Clonfert Molua to found monasteries in Hy Fidgente. One 
at Imleach Grianan — the great centre of paganism — still bears^ 
his name. 

St. Lachtain succeeded St. Molua at Clonfert. 43 The great: 
attachment between St. Molua and St. Lachtain is related in the 
life of St. Molua, and it is probable that St. Lachtain of Achad Ur 

39 In the Booh of Leccan one of the southern boundaries of Cormac 
Cas's portion is given as Cenn Abhrat. 

40 Journal B. S. A. I., vol. xlviii, p. 113. 

41 See Proceedings B. I. A., vol. xxxiii, p. 463, and plate xl, (T. J. 

42 O'Hanlon's Lives, vol. viii, 4th August. 
« Ibid., vol. i, Jan. 12, p. 178, n. 2. 


in Ossory (now Freshford) and Bealach 1 Feabhrath, a.d. 622, was 
at one time connected with St. Molua's foundation at Imleach 
Grianan on Cenn Abrat or Bealach Feabhrath. 

There is a tradition of a St. Lachtain near Macroom, related in 
the Journal of the Cork H. and A. 8., vol. hi, p. 275, C. Murphy 
(Cill-na-Martra), which leaves the question somewhat involved, but 
when closely examined, the evidence all points to a different saint 
of the same name, and the 10th March (as recorded in A. F. M.), 
not the 19th, is probably the correct day for commemoration. 

St. Molua's Well. 

In the Dindshe7ichas of Cend Febrat, before referred to, the 
well of St. Molua is described by the poet. It is a very interesting 
example of the grafting of the Christian on to the pagan tradition. 
The well is north-east of the graves of the Ernai on Cush, over the 
grave of Lugaid (Lewy, Lua). It is the well " to which the name 
clave " — Molua's (My Lua's) well, being the same as the pagan 
name Lugaid — "at twice famous Cend Febrat," i.e., famous in 
pagan and in Christian times. 

The well famed for beauty, 
made without a pit and never failing, 
is above the bed of the warrior Lugaid 
by Dubthach's keep to the north-east. 

The well to which the name clave, 
at twice famous Cend Febrat, 
on it as I have heard, 
rest virtues and solemn spells. 

Whoever gets it on his right hand 

shall remain free from disease, free from spell 

the son of God has confirmed it to him 

so that it is his in perpetuity. 

Whoever gets it on his left hand, 
the King of the World of Life hath ordained — 
this is his sudden doom before departure — 
quick decay, or shortening of his days. 

This well is described in the Life of St. Molua (see supra) as 
one that is held in great reverence by reason of the cures effected 
by prayers, and drinking the water. It is a spring rising in a green 
field outside the churchyard, without a tree, surrounding wall, or 
covering, such as are usually found at holy wells. " Without a 
pit, and never failing," as described by the poet, " above the bed 
of the warrior Lugaid." 


In recent years some writers have questioned the generally- 
accepted signification and location of Claire. Sanas Cormaic has' 
been referred to for a definition, and explains Claire as " Cliu- 


Aire — i.e., the ridge of Aire, i.e., the top of the ridge of Cliach." 41 
The first part of this definition is unintelligible. Its position as 
explained in the second part would depend on the author's idea 
of the extent of Clui (gen. Cliach), which, as shown in Onomasti- 
con, was in most cases unduly restricted. The Samair was a 
southern boundary of Arada Cliach, and we have in the Tain bo 
Cuilgne, the " three Cairbres of Cliu," and the " three Bruchnech 
of Cenn Abrat," which would separate Claire from Cenn Abrat. 
However, Sanas Cormaic is not an authority to follow without 
question. The editor states, " his derivations are generally quite 
as ludicrous as those of most of the other word-splitters who have 
pursued, their harmless calling. " 

In the early texts all references to Clar, a plain, are translated 
in the genitive Clair, and, as occurs in some other cases, the geni- 
tive is frequently used for the nominative. From a study of the 
early texts it is evident that Claire or Clair represented a district 
in the Co. Limerick, though it has not been defined, possibly the 
plain north of the Samair. 

In Chronicon Scotorum, p. 321, we read (a.d. 1113) of a pre- 
datory expedition of the Connacht men into Mumhain, until they 
reached Sliabh Crot, and Claire, and Sliabh Cua. It should be 
noted that the annalist does not write " Sliabh Claire," or " Dun 
Claire," but " Claire " (a. districtl or territory). 

In O'Huidhrin's poems 45 we find: — 

The Deis Beg of the purple cloak 
Is hereditary to the valorous tribe, 
The heroes of Claire mentioned by us 
Of the fairest bay of Erin. 

Three septs of high hilarity 

Are over Deis Beag of trees, 

Fair over the smooth plain of the house of Tal, 

The populous tribe of O'Luain. 

The Ui-Duibhrosa of hot incursions 

The Ui-Faircheallaigh of the land of Claire 

True is the blood of the other tribe 

By whom the tribe of the Mairtine were subdued. 

The Dal g-Cais in the battalions of Claire 

Have pure silver and with it 

Gold purely smelted; 

The pleasant host are not indigent. 

44 O'Donovan's note to this (W. Stokes' edition, p. 35) is : " Claire 
was the ancient name of the mountain of Sliabh Riach, in the south of 
the Co. Limerick, Mullach Cliach the summit or highest land in the 
territory of Cliach in which this mountain is situated." It is stated 
that O'Donovan gave very little attention to the topography of Coshlea, 
and made many mistakes, and, in my opinion, this was a serious one. 
He afterwards withdrew from this statement, and identified Claire with 

45 Poems of O'Dubhagain and O'Huidhrin, p. 128. 


These three septs were of " the land of Claire," from which 
it would appear that Claire was in the territory of Desi beg (now 
" Small County "), which must have been more extensive than is 
generally supposed, and that the Dal g-Cais were rulers there. The 
sept O'Luain occupied " the smooth plain " of the Dal g-Cais in 
Co. Limerick, or the plain " of the house of Tal." This would 
extend around Knockany and Hospital, on by Elton to Cormac 
Cas's fort on Duntryleague, all of which is north of the Samair. 
It was the Dal g-Cais who subdued the Mairtine tribe around 
Knockany, driving them from the plain. The Mairtine were said 
to be the champions of Cliu. 

In the Plea Rolls of 1289, Thomas Fitzmaurice is granted " five 
Knights fees " in the tuath of Eleuri, which is in the centred of 
Fontemel." It has been suggested 46 tha,t Eleuri was Clari, Clare, 
which is most likely, as Fontemel (Fontymchyll) corresponded 
with the west part of Coshlea, with Kilmallock, and part of 
Coshma, and included Duntryleague. A tuath would mean a 
fairly extensive district, though the exact limitations have not 
been denned. 

In the Book of Leinster 47 Gilla-Coemain sang of the Kings in 

Fell the King of Clair in battle 
In Mage by Muirethach. 

(Melge fell) In the battle by Mogcorb of Clair. 

Of these Muirethach killed Duach, who reigned B.C. 899-909. 
Mogcorb reigned in the sixth century, B.C. 

The editors of these early texts explain Clair as referring to 
the plain, and Duntryleague as Mullach Claire. 


The original fort of Cormac Cas, Dun-tri-liag, was supposed to 
have been on the south-west side of the hill. The entire hill is now 
known as Duntryleague. It is not the low, unimpressive eminence 
it has been described. It is close on a thousand feet high, not much 
less than the general plateau of Slievereagh, between the peaks, 
and as the highest point of Claire might properly be called Sliab 
Claire. It is also the summit of of Arada Cliach. 

Olioll Olum 48 is said to have spent the latter years of his life 
(it is said 30 years), and died " on the summit of Sliabh Claire." 
O'Donovan identified this with Duntryleague, and the fine dolmen 

46 Proceedings E. I. A. (Westropp), vol. xxxiii, p. 37, and note. 

47 Todd Lecture Series (R. I. A.), vol. iii, pp .175, 187. 

48 Agallamh na Senorach, p. 129. 


on the mount was taken to be Olioll Olum's burial place. Since 
O'Donovan's time the editors of Irish texts have accepted the loca- 
tion of Sliabh Claire, until the discovery of the stone circles on 
Slievereagh, during the last Ordnance Survey, induced some 
writers to connect Cenn Abrat with Sliab Claire. 

Motives have been assigned to 'Donovan for forming this 
opinion — a desire to find a date for this dolmen. 49 It is admitted 


(Measured and drawn by P. J. Lynch.) 

that some Irish monarchs elected to be buried in the tomb of an 
earlier race of kings, the transepts on the plan of this monument 
would suggest such an arrangement. Graves of the dolmen type 
are to be found in some ancient Christian cemeteries in Ireland. 
But we need not question O'Donovan's opinions on that point, if 
we can find sufficient evidence on other grounds to justify him in 
stating this was Sliab Claire. Possibly its position north of the 
Samair, within the tribal boundary of the Dergthene, and the fact 
that the rocky summit of Cenn Abrat could not afford a site for a 
royal residence influenced him. The frequent mention of Claire 
in the Irish texts points to its importance, and he must have 
noticed that it is never described as identical with Cenn Abrat, or 
Sliab Riach. 

49 See Limerick Field Club Journal, vol. iii, p. 222, on date of dolmen. 


I have no intention of attempting to defend O'Donovan. He 
-does not require it. No criticism can lessen the general admiration 
for that great Irish antiquary. The facilities for travel and research 
work that we enjoy were not available in his time, and in many 
cases his statements are now found to be inaccurate. I have called 
attention to some of them in this district, but I have been always 
•slow to do so until I felt I was on firm ground. His mistakes were 
iew indeed when compared with the vast amount of information 
revealed to us by his life work. He was engaged, as we are, search- 
ing for the truth, and if we have succeeded where he failed, a share 
•of the merit should be his, for having, in many cases, given us an 
inspiring and helpful lead. 

The Metrical Dindshenchas,™ before quoted, provides some in- 
teresting information which gives to Claire as a place name in this 
locality a new significance. 

Amongst the lands granted by King John's charter to the Abbey 
of St. Mary de Magio (Monasteranenagh) was " Cuillean in Cor- 
balli." 51 

The poet of the Dindshenchas, before quoted, after being shown 
" truly and in full." 

*' every fairy mound that is at Cend Febrat," continues: 

I saw thereafter, the strong keep, 

wherein is battle-force unfailing : 

on hazel-set Mullach Cuillen, 52 

wherein abides the stern-smiting thickset hero. 

50 B. I. A., Todd Lecture Series (E. Gwynn), vol. x, Cend Febrat, 
p. 227. 

51 I have already referred to the importance of defining this ancient 
district of Corballi, in connection with Oenach Culi, as the name only 
survives in one townland, in the north-west of Galbally parish. It is 
clear that Corbally must have extended beyond the area of the present 
townland, in former times. The name appears on the D. S. parish 
maps (reproductions edited by George Grierson, R.I. A.), on the north- 
east of Galbally parish. Corbally parish is mentioned by Seward in 
Topographia Hibernica, as in the Diocese of Emly. A parish of " Gor- 
bally " is shown on the Down Survey barony maps, Co. Tipperary, ad- 
joining the present parish of Galbally on the west; this now forms part 
of Clonbeg parish in Co. Tipperary, the portions in the Co. Limerick 
have merged in the parish of Galbally, and the name has disappeared 
from that district (north of Duntryleague). 

It has suggested itself to me, that Gallbhaile (Galbally) or foreigner's 
town, was an older name in this district than is supposed (Joyce, 1st 
■series, p. 97), and included the northern portion of the present parish 
M Galbally in the Co. Limerick, and portion of the Co. Tipperary. 
The southern portion was known as Natherlagh (Aherloe) in early 
times. The northern portion may have been known (see D. S. Map) 
as Gorbally (a corrupt form of Galbally) at one time. The change from 
Z to r sometimes occurs (Joyce, 1st series, p. 51). It is easy to under- 
stand how Gorbally would be written Corbally (Corballi) in the official 
records, and in this way we find Oenach Culi, and Cuillean, in Corballi 
<Gorbally, Galbally) an extensive district. 

52 The summit or highest point of Cuillen. 


It is clear from these lines that the ' ' strong keep ' ' of Mullach 
Guillen is outside Cend Febrat, and we find " Cuillean in Cor- 
balli." The identity of the " stem-smiting hero " is revealed in 
the penultimate verse, in which the poet, after a eulogy on the 
' ' Cend Febrat branch of the Tuatha De " as ' ' above the ranks of 
the noble Druids in general," proceeds to name some who have 
memorials. See supra. 

Febrat, Currech, 

" and the Head of the stern-smiting Claire, 

" and the Head of Aife his wife 

which ancient speech of sages touches upon." 

Thus we find Claire of the Tuatha De to be the " stern-smiting" 
hero " of Mullach Cuillen in Corballi, who " abides " in the 
" strong keep " on the hill. It is only reasonable to suppose that 
the fort or keep on Cuillen, before the construction of Dun-tri-liag, 
was known as Dun Claire. 53 This being so, the mount and district 
would naturally take its name from this god of the Tuatha De, as 
Any derives its name from the goddess Aine (Aine cliach). Aife, 
the wife of Claire, was also commemorated in Gleneefy, on the 
north side of Duntryleague, and perhaps gave a name to that dis- 
trict. We read 54 that Aedh, who killed Molloy at Belach Lechta, 
" was of the Deise-bec from the borders of Aifi." I was informed 
that horse races were held at Gleneefy within living memory. 

As to the original Dun Claire, we find only two royal forts are 
mentioned in connection with the reign of Olioll Olum, Dun Claire 
and Bruree. The description of - the battle of Cenn Abrat (see 
supra) and the disposition of the forces there, prove conclusively 
that the fort on Cenn Abrat marked " Doonglara " (or Dun gClaire) 
could not have been a stronghold of Olioll Olum's, and we naturally 
revert to Duntryleague. In time, when the Dalcassians extended 
their territory, and when the original fort on Duntryleague had been 
destroyed, then this fort, Doonglara, may have been known as 
Dun gClaire, though Keating calls it Cenn Febrat, but for our pur- 
pose this is not of great importance. There is a legend that Fer Fi 
burned Dun Claire, the palace of Olioll Olum. 

The existence of a fort on the mountain at the time of the con- 
struction of Duntryleague, is quite clear from the legend 55 relating 
to the building of Duntryleague by Cormac Cas, son of Olioll, to 
heal his wound received at the battle of Samhain. 

" At Dun or Sleibh, or Dun on the mountain, he had a fort built, a 
good town, which was so that in its midst was a sparkling and trans- 
lucent loch-well. About the spring, he had a great and royal house 
made; but immediately at its brink three huge pillar stones were 

53 In this case, I should say, Claire was cognate with clarus, bright, 
shining, famous, renowned (Fr. clair). 

54 Cog. Gael re Gall (Todd), p. 93. 

55 Agallamh na Senorach, p. 129. O'Grady's Silva Gadelica. 


planted, and there (with its head to the eastward, and betwixt the said 
three columns of stones) the King's bed was set, while out of a Cuach 
or else a bowl, a confidential warrior of his people splashed water on 
his head continually. There, too, he died, and in that fort was laid in 
subterranean excavation, whence dun-tri-liag or c fort of three pillar 
stones ' by way of name is given to it." 

It is perfectly clear that this legend refers to a fort specially 
constructed, and for a special purpose, at the dun on the mountain. 
The site of Dun-tri-liag is supposed to be on the south-west slope 
of the mount. The earlier Dun was presumably nearer the summit, 
or Dun-tri-liag may have been constructed as an extension or 
annexe to the original Dun on the mountain, so as to enclose the 
well, and both duns have been destroyed. All the references would 
lead to the conclusion that the earlier fort was the Dun Claire of 
Olioll Olum's time. 

In vol. xvi, Todd Lecture Series B. I. A., Dr. Kuno Meyer 
translates a very old tract, believed to be of the seventh century, 
on Olioll Olum and others. We read (p. 33): " Ailill was in 
Uachtar Clari (the height of Clare), and the fort of Ailill in Clare 
is seen from afar, and is not found near. ' ' This would describe a 
fort on the summit of the district of Clare, and could not apply to 

The Siege of Knocklong. 

In the tract Forbais Droma Damhgaire, from the Book of 
Lismore (sometimes known as The Siege of Knocklong), much 
light is thrown on this district of Claire. 56 It is unnecessary to 
enter into the details of the quarrel, in the third century, between 
Cormac Mac Art, Monarch of Ireland, and Fiacha Muilleathan, 
King of Munster. Cormac invaded Munster, and encamped at 
Knocklong. Fiacha, with the men of Munster, were encamped on 
the hill opposite " Cenn Claire." Dr. Joyce (in error) states 57 this- 
was Slieve Claire, now called Slieverea^h. A careful study of the 
tale would lead us to believe that " Cenn Claire " was the present 
Duntryleague, which would also be " a hill opposite " (to the east), 
and at a reasonable distance for the opposing armies. The whole 
story is wild, and full of fancy, written to glorify the power of 
Druidism, and describes the wonders worked by its spells and in- 
cantations. Mogha Corb (of Claire), son of Cormac Cas, was a 
leader in the army of Munster. 

The Druids of Cormac dried up all the springs, streams, and 
lakes of the district, and the Munster men were dying of thirst. 
The Munster king sent to Iveragh (Kerry) for the assistance of the 
famous Druid, Mogha Ruith. He consented to come, provided he 

56 Windele, MSS. B.I. A. 

57 Names of Places, 1st Series, p. 101. Dr. Joyce admitted tc the writer 
that he was in error in identifying Slievereagh as Sliab Claire. 


received a gift of new territory from the Minister King, which was 
agreed to. The Druid stipulated that he should select the territory 

As he journeyed from Kerry, the soils of different districts were 
submitted to him, and were all rejected. Then they came to " the 
house of Eoranain Finn, which is called Cenn Abhra to-day. I 
shall not leave this place, said Mogha Ruith, until is chosen my 
land and country, for it is not on reaching the army that I can 
compel them to give me land or country." Then was brought to 
Mm " the earth of Cliu Mail Maic Ugaine. In refusing it, he said : 

" A wet laky cliu, great the Conach, 
Great its waters, great its rivers, 

Great its sorrows, many its evils, 

I will not accept it." 
Then was brought to him the earth of Fir Muighe (Fermoy), which 
he accepted. His halting on Cenn Abhra before reaching the army 
.at Cenn Claire shows that these were different places. This is an 
important point for those who consider Sliab Claire and Cenn 
Abrat, or Slievereagh, to be the same, nor could it be reasonably 
supposed that the Munster army were encamped on any of the 
peaks of Slievereagh. 

After accepting of Fermoy, " Mogha Ruith then began rooting 
up the ground in search of water." He also prayed to his gods, 
and " when his prayer was over the water burst asunder the fast- 
ness of the land, and it flowed through the glens and rivers and 
springs." 58 

In the tract there are many references to Cenn Claire, and 
Claire " (as a district). The last feat of magic, performed by 
Mogha Ruith was to light fires, which would strike the enemy with 
terror, and burn the woods and forests in the central plain of 
Munster, which is described as adjoining Claire. This was success- 
ful, and the fires lighted " did not leave tree or grass on the plain 
«of Munster." Fires lighted south of the Samair, would not have 
this result, and the description strongly supports the conjecture 
that Claire was a district north of the Samair, in which were the 
Deise-bec, that it joined the great plain of Munster and took his 

58 In this version of the tale, though Mogha Ruith's disciple, Caenvar, 
plays an important part in the wonderful feats of magic performed 
during the siege, he has no connection with the supply of water. Local 
tradition points to the well of Canvore (see Joyce, p. 102), but this would 
appear to be an aditional adornment to this tale of wonder. O'Curry 
(MSS. Materials, p. 272) gives a rational explanation of the name. His 
version is that Mogh Ruith shot an arrow into the air, and where it fell 
(near Emly Grennan) water burst forth, and the well is called Tobar 
(Jeann moir, Well of Great Head, or Spring. There are different wells 
connected with the legend; at Knocklong, Tobar Curriheen is pointed 
out as the well. See Ord. Sheet, Co. Limerick, 41, and Lenihan's 
History of Limerick, p. 735. 


name from Cenn Claire, or Mullach Claire (now Duntry league), 
H wherein abides Claire," the stern-smiting hero " of the 
Tuatha De, beside Aife, his wife, of Gleneefy, at the same hill. 

St. Patrick's Journey. 

In the Tripartite Life we read that St. Patrick, after passing 
from Tipperary into the County Limerick, " desired to remain 
beside Clar, at the rath of Corbre and Broecan ; but he was not 
permitted, and Patrick said there never would be a king or bishop 
of the race of Colman, 59 who opposed him. He also said that the 
place would belong to himself afterwards, and left a man of his 
people here after a long period — i.e., Caemhan of Gill-Rath. 

I have already suggested that the site of Kilrath was at or near 
;the old church, which was removed at Lackelly, near to which 
would be the fort of Corpre and, Broecan. 60 

According to the Tripartite Life, St. Patrick, when he arrived 
.at Clar", did not proceed further south, but turned north by Grean 
to Limerick; 61 so that Clar, and the other landmarks beside it, 
must be looked for north of the Samair. The early Christian 
missionaries were at all times anxious to establish themselves at 
the great centres of paganism, and the early texts all point to Claire 
^s an important one. 

The tradition of the Diocese is that he was at Knockpatrick, near 
Eoynes, before he visited Ardpatrick. 62 

Templenalawe, UeAtnputt wa lAirhe. 
I have before referred to the suggestion 63 that Kilrath was the 
•old church site now known as Templenalawe. As St. Patrick did 
not travel to Ardpatrick by Templenalaw this church could not 
be the Kilrath of the Tipartite Life; but tradition has . preserved 
in that district a very interesting legend connecting it with St. 

On the eve of Christmas, St. Patrick, journeying from Ardpatrick 
eastwards, reached the townland of Ballinanima, and sought shelter for 
himself and his followers, from a widow. The widow was unable to pro- 
vide a repast, as she had no fuel, and had a cow about calving in a 

59 It is worthy of note that Oenach Colman is mentioned with Oenach 
Culi as a cemetery of the men of Munster. 

60 Glenbrohane, south of the Samair, may be the glen of the deer, or 
fawn, from Bruachan, a fawn. 

61 In the Agallarnh, St. Patrick is described as crossing the Samair and 
journeying south to Ardpatrick, but as this is pure romance, it is the 
Tripartite — which is presumed to be history — that must be relied on. 

62 In the Agallamh na Senorach, Cailte is somewhat confused on this 
point, as when chanting the praises of Ardpatrick, he describes hoW 
V I and Ossian of renown, we used to embark in currachs ! as I fre- 
quented its waves, and its (abutting) hills, I had the severities of the 
green sea." This could have occurred at Knockpatrick, but Ardpatrick 
is 30 miles from the estuary of the Shannon. 

63 Journal B. S. A. I., vol.' xlviii, p. 116 (T. J. Westropp). 


week's time. The saint sent one of his men to see the cow, and he- 
returned to report that the cow had calved. The woman was delighted,, 
but still regretted the want of fuel. The saint told one of his men to 
cut some rushes, and she was astonished to see the rushes make such 
a fine fire. Rushes cut green off the same field blaze like a torch; and 
in this townland there is always a cow to calve on Christmas eve. The 
veal was cooked, and the cow had given a copious supply of milk. 

Next morning the visitors departed, but one of the men, coveting the 
billhook which quartered the calf, took it with him. After the party 
left, the widow missed the billhook, and sent a messenger after them. 
They were overtaken at the foot of Slievereagh, and the messenger,, 
addressing the head of the band, made known the loss. The Saint 
ordered that whoever had the billhook should deliver it up. Then one 
of the men took it from where he had it concealed, and handed it to the 
Saint. The Saint cut off the hand that reached the billhook to him, and 
going inside the fence, buried it there, giving the place the name 
teAc fte tAirh, which means beside the hand. A graveyard was then 
fenced in by his directions. A church was built here afterwards; it was 
known as CeAtnputt nA tAitiie, the church of the hand. 

Such is " the tale as it was told to me," and certainly there are 
few of the sites of our ancient churches to which tradition has 
proved so kind. 

There are not many places in Ireland of greater interest to the 
antiquary than this district around Coshlea. Here, long before the 
dawn of history, tribes had settled, whose story, as related by 
successive bards, and shanachies, in time lost all the elements of 
truth or probability, and now forms portion of our valuable store- 
of legendary lore; whilst their eponyms may possibly occupy a 
place in our Irish pantheon. The district is identified in many 
ways with some of the principal personages in Irish Epic literature: 
In historic times it was the cradle of the great Dalcassian clan. 
The Norsemen who reigned at Limerick made frequent incursions 
here, and it was the scene of some fierce encounters between these 
hereditary foes. 

In these notes I have endeavoured to clear up some of the' 
doubts and contradictions connected with the topography, and to 
substantiate what I have already written on this district, and I 
laboured to be as concise as the subject would admit of. I omitted 
all references to the personages mentioned in the text, or their 
places in history or mythology beyond what was essentially neces- 
sary for my purpose. It may be considered that this was a disad- 
vantage; but I purposely refrained from extending my notes in 
that direction, so as to avoid the possibility of confusing the sub- 
ject, which was mainly topographical. 

For the reasons stated in the first section of these notes I have 
omitted to deal with the sites of the different Aenachs located in 

The physical features of the district are impressive — Slieve- 
reagh, that home of gods and warriors, stands like a sentinel keep- 
ing watch over the great plain through which flows what remains 
of the historic Samair. Out of the plain, west and east, arise, like- 


great natural mausoleums, Knockany and Duntryleague, wherein 
dwell Aine and Claire and Aife. 

Such a district yields to the antiquary great inducements to 
inquire into its legends, and learn something of its ancient history. 
It was in this spirit of inquiry I first commenced the survey, which 
I have continued in this paper. 

In conclusion, I may add that by saving Lackelly — that ancient 
-centre of devotion — from oblivion, endeavouring to locate Loch 
Luinge and Belach Leghta, and directing attention to Tara 
Luachra, Cam Meic Nairbreach, and the home of " the stern 
:smiting hero," Claire, on Mullach Cuillen, in Corballi, I hoped, 
amongst other things, to increase the interest of the members of 
our Society in the study of the legends and history of the country in 
connection with its topography. 

The illustrations to these notes are from photographs kindly 
made for me by the late Dr. George Fogerty, who was always will- 
ing to help every worker on the archaeology of his district. 

To save cost of printing, the Publication Committee has com- 
pelled me to curtail my original notes considerably, and omit quo- 
tations and explanations as much as possible. This is somewhat 
unsatisfactory to the reader, who must refer to the authorities 
where necessary, but, under the circumstances, it could not be 



By The Rev. Dom Louis Gougaud, o.s.b. 

(Communicated by E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a., Vice-President.}, 

[Read 11 May 1920.] 

When we examine the earliest representations of the Crucifixion 
as executed in Ireland, we discover so striking a likeness between 
them all and such special characteristics, if we compare them with 
foreign productions of the same or an earlier age, that we are led 
to consider them as belonging to an iconographic tradition 
sui generis, among the works of art of the Middle Ages. 

The purpose of this article is to show the peculiarities of concep- 
tion and technique that characterise the treatment of this subject 
by the Irish. Hence an enumeration of the works of art which, 
it is proposed to examine must first be given here. 


* * 

The scene of the crucifixion is represented: 1° in illuminated 
MSS., 2° on sculptured stone crosses, 3° in metal work. 1 

I. Illuminated MSS. — 1° The St. Gall Gospels (Stifts- 
bibliothek No. 51), an Irish MS. of the 8th century. — The minia- 
tures in the MS., and among them the Crucifixion, are unquestion- 
ably of the Irish type. This crucifixion has been reproduced many 
times (see my Repertoire des facsimiles des manuscrits irlandais, 
Revue celtique, xxviii, 1920, pp. 12-13), but attention must be 
called to the fact that in the plate given by F. Keller and in the- 
copy by William Reeves the drawing, reproduced from a tracing, 
gives the reverse of the original ; 2 so that the lance-bearer, wdio is 
on the left side of Christ in the original, is here represented on the 
right. Fig. 1. 

2° The Southampton Psalter (St. John's College Library,. 
Cambridge, No. 59). — This Irish MS. is considered by Dr. 

1 It is both a duty and a pleasure for me to offer my grateful thanks in 
this place to Messrs. R. I. Best and Henry S. Crawford, as well as to 
the Librarians of St. John's College, Cambridge, and of Durham 
Cathedral, who have given me such valuable assistance in procuring, 
the photographs which are reproduced in this article. 

2 Ferd. Keller, Bilder unci Schriftziige in den irischen Manuscripten 
der schweizerischen JBibliothehen (Mittheilungen der antiquarischen 
Gesellschdft in Zurich, vii, 1951, pi. 5); William Reeves, Early' Irish 
Calligraphy (Ulster Journal of Archaeology, viii, 1860, facing p. 301). 

Plate VII] 

|_To face page 128 

• --<-,.•,- .' 


Montague Khodes James to date from the 10th century (?). He- 
gives a description of fol. 35 v showing the Crucifixion, in hia 
Descriptive Caial. of the MSS. in the Library of St. John's 
College, Cambridge (Cambridge, 1913, p. 78). Fig. 2. 

3° The Durham Gospels (Chapter Library Durham : A. ii. 17). — 
This MS. was written in England in the 8th century. " It is 
difficult," writes Mr. C. H. Turner, " not to connect it with the 
great days of Jarrow, Wearmouth and Lindisfarne, " 3 where the 
artistic influence' of the Scotti was very powerful. 4 This picture, 
conformable to the Irish models, is described in the text accom- 
panying plate 30 in the New Pala30graphical Society Album. The 
picture itself is in such a decayed condition that it is impossible 
to give a satisfactory reproduction of it. Fig. 3. 

4° The Wurzburg Epistles of St. Paul (University Library, 
Wiirzburg, Mp. th. f. 69), a MS. of the 8th century, wrongly con- 
nected with St. Kilian. Nevertheless more than one peculiarity 
of the Irish genius is to be noticed in the Crucifixion painted as 
the frontispiece. A notice of this illumination has been given 
inter alia by Johannes Eeil, Die fruchristlichen Darstellimgen der 
Kreuzigung Christi (J. Picker's Studien iiber christliche 
Denhmaler, ser. 2, vol. 2, Leipzig, 1904), p. 120, and by St. 
Beissel, Geschichte der Evangelienbucher in der ersten Halfte 
des Mittelalters, Freiburg i. Br., 1906, p. 120. Reproductions of 
it may be found in the following books : J. Eeil, op. cit., fig. 6. 
Archceologia, xliii, p. 141; N. H. J. Westlake, An elementary 
History of Design in mural Painting, London, 1911, II, p. 130. 
Fig. 4. 

II. Sculptured Stone Crosses. — 1° High Cross at Clon- 
macnois (King's Co.). On the western side of this cross the 
Crucifixion is sculptured. See art. " Clonmacnois " in Cabrol and 
Leclercq's Dictionnaire d' archeologie chretienne et de liturgie,. 
fig. 3072. The cross has been assigned to the first quarter of 
the 10th century. See art-, quoted, col. 2018. Fig. 5. 

2° Muiredach's Cross at Monasterboice (Co. Louth), a monu- 
ment of the 10th century, according to G. Petrie and Lord Dun- 
raven. See fig. in Margaret Stokes' Early Christian Art in Ireland, 
London, 1875, p. 136; Prof. E. A. S. Maealister, Muiredach, p. 73. ' 
Fig. 6. 

3° Cross of Durrow (King's Co.) of the lith century ('?). 
Crucifixion sculptured on the western side. Fig. in M. Stokes' 
High Crosses of Castledermot' and Durrow, London, 1898. Fig. 7. 

3 C. H. Turner, Iter Dunelmense (Journal of Theol. Studies, x, 1909, 

P * F 7 E. Warren, The Influence of Celtic Art in England (Church Quar- 
terly Beview, lxxv, 1912, pp. 18-19). 


4° Cross of Kells (Co. Meath). Fig. in the Proceed, of the 
Antiquaries of Scotland, xxxi, 1896-99, p. 328. 

5° South Cross at Castledermot (Co. Kildare). — Crucifixion on 
the western side. Fig. 8. 

6° Northern Cross at Castledermot. — Crucifixion on the 
eastern side. Fig. in The High Crosses of Castledermot. 

The normal position for the Crucifixion on Irish Crosses is the 
west side. The present: position of this Cross, as well as that of 
No. 8, is probably not the original one. 

It is difficult to give with accuracy the dates of the six last 
mentioned monuments ; but most of them must have been erected 
between the 10th and the 13th centuries. These monuments are 
wheel-crosses. 5 The scene of the Crucifixion generally occupies 
the centre of the cross. 

7° Cross of Drumcliff (Co. Sligo). — The Crucifixion repre- 
sented on the western side is in a rather decayed condition. Marg. 
Stokes has given representations of it in her Notes on the High 
Crosses of Moone, Drumcliff, Termonfechin and Killamery 
(Transact, of the R. I. Acad., xxxi, 1896-1901, figs. 34 and 35). 

8° Cross of Termonfechin (Co. Louth). Crucifixion on the 
eastern side. Fig. 9. 

9° A carved *stone in Iniskea, off Co. Mayo, northern island. 
Fig. 13. 

10. — Monasterboice, west cross. The Crucifixion is carved on 
the west side and presents several peculiarities. Fig. 10. 

11. — Kells, south cross. The Crucifixion here is not in the 
centre, but on the shaft. Fig. 11. 

12. — Carndonagh (Co. Donegal). The erect slab in the grave- 
yard bears a Crucifixion, the cross of which has expanded ends 
and a plaited stem. Fig. 12. 

13. — Lintel of the doorway of Maghera church (Co. London- 
derry). It is much worn and in a position which renders a 
good photograph almost impossible. Mr. H. S. Crawford has, 
however, given one in this Journal (1915, p. 247). "As there was 
plenty of space," he observes, " the sculptor has placed eleven or 
twelve figures at the sides, and I think there was a row of angels 
above. ' ' 

This enumeration does not pretend to be exhaustive. A list of 
•early Irish representations of the Crucifixion carved on stone (46 
in number) is to be found in the Appendix. This valuable 
Appendix has been drawn up by Mr. H. S. Crawford, who has 

5 See L. Gougaud, L'Art celtique chretien (Revue, de VArt Chetien, 
March- April, 1911, pp. 91-92). 

Plate Villi 

[To face page 130 


also kindly drawn my attention to several of the above-mentioned 

HI. Metal Plaques. — 1° The Athlone Bronze Plaque 
(National Museum, Dublin). " It was probably the mounting 
for a, book-cover ; and the early character of the plaque is indicated 
by the good trumpet pattern with which it is decorated, resembling 
that of the MSB." 6 Fig. 14. 

2° The Dungannon Bronze Plaque in the National Museum 
of Antiquities of Scotland, Edinburgh. Fig. in Museum Cata- 
logue, p. 288 (Edinburgh, 1892). 

3° and 4°. — Two other metal plaques showing the same icono- 
graphic peculiarities as the former and also found in Ireland, 
reproductions of which have been given by J. O. Westwood in 
Facsimiles of Miniatures and Ornaments in Anglo-Saxon and 
Irish MSS. (London, 1868), p. 51, figs. 7 and 8, and by J. 
Romilly Allen in Early Christian Symbolism of Great Britain and 
Ireland (London, 1887), p. 146, fig. 35. One is shown in fig. 15. 


Let us now examine how each detail of the scene of the 
Crucifixion has been thought out and executed in Ireland : the 
shape of the cross, the' personal appearance of Christ (body, 
raiment, &c), and of other personages there represented. 

I. Shape of the Cross. — It is generally in the form of a Latin 
cross. On some of the stone crosses and in several others, such 
as on the Athlone plaque and in the Durham MS., the usual form 
of cross is altered by the substitution of curves instead of the 
clean cut right' angles at the. junction of the arms and shaft. 

In the extremely primitive drawing of the Crucifixion in the 
Southampton Psalter (fig. 2) there is no shaft, and only a 
horizontal piece of wood represents the arms of the cross. 

II. The Figure of Christ. — 1° General appearance. — The 
head is not inclined, the eyes are open in conformity with the 
earliest images of Christ on the cross. 7 On the Athlone plaque, 
however,, the eyelids are closed (fig. 14). Generally the 
figure is represented with long hair and a beard. The arms are 
extended upon the wood of the cross, except' in the miniature in 
the Southampton Psalter where they affect the attitude of the 

6 George Coffey, Guide to the Celtic Antiquities of the Christian 
Period preserved in the National Museum, Dublin, 1910, p. 70. 

7 See the carved panel of the door of St. Sabina in Rome (fifth century) 
and a carved ivory in the British Museum (fifth or sixth centuries) in 
Seroux d'Agincourt, Ilistoire de VArt par les monuments • Sculpture, 
pi. 22, p. 182, and Guide to the Early Christian and Byzantine Antiqui- 
ties in the British Museum, London, 1903, pi. 2. 



The entire want of skill of most of the ancient Celtic artists 
and craftsmen in their attempts to represent the human figure 
is notorious. 8 The most august of all the religious subjects appears 
in our eyes as a veritable caricature, though executed by men who 
were far from having any such intention. It is not necessary to 
lay stress on the absence of pathos in these crucifixions, when 
not only dignity, but any kind of expression and even any 
elementary notion of anatomy are completely lacking. 

2° Clothing. — During the first ten centuries Christ on the 
cross is represented with a simple perizonium around the loins, 9 
or clothed in a long tunic with or without sleeves. 10 

In the Irish MSS., the body of the Crucified is always clothed, 
and almost always in sculpture, as far as the ravages of time 
allow us to judge. 

On the Athlone plaque the figure wears a long robe with sleeves, 
but on the other metal plaques only the perizonium . 

In the miniatures the drapery is quite sui generis. It is not 
the clinging drapery of the Anglo-Saxon or Anglo-Norman 
pictures, in which the figures appear as if they had just come out 
of the water. The drapery resembles bands of linen wrapped 
round the body in every direction and forming symmetrical folds 
(figs. 1 and 2). Confident in their skill in the treatment 
of interlaced work, in which they are masters indeed, the Irish 
miniaturists have introduced this complicated design even into 
costume, some figures being literally clothed in this kind of orna- 

The raiment of Christ in the Wiirzburg Epistles is decorated 
with scale-like designs. In the Durham Gospels only the lower 
part of the tunic can be seen, the rest is covered by a sort of 
chasuble with symmetrical folds. 

8 L. Gougaud, Les chretientes celtiques, Paris, 1911, p. 338, and Revue 
de V art Chretien, loc. ext., p. 103. 

9 Door of St. Sabina; Ivory in the British Museum ; Ivory of Cividale, 
eighth century (F. X. Kraus, Heal Encyclopoedie der christlichen 
Alterthilmer, II, fig. 372) ; Sacramentary of Gellone, fol. 143 , eighth cen- 
tury (M. Engels, Die Kreuzigung Christi in der bildelden Kunst, Luxen- 
burg, 1899, pi. 18, fig. 56); Diptych of Rambona, ninth century (Smith 
and Cheetham, Diet, of Christ. Antiquities, I., p. 515); Gospel-book of 
Angers, 24 [20], fol. 7 v , ninth century. 

10 Silver disc of Perm, fifth-sixth century, (J. Reil, Die fuh christlichen 
Darstellungen der Kreuzigung Christi, fig. 3) ; Syriac MS. of Rabula, 
A.D. 586 (Smith and Chatham, op. ext., I, p. 515); Encolpion and crucifix 
of Monza, sixth and seventh century (Kraus, op. ext., II, fig. 97 and 98); 
Mosaics of John VII, eighth century (A. L. Frothingham, Monuments 
of Christian Borne, New York, 1908, p. 295); Lectionary of Brussels, 
No. 9428, ninth century (Engels, op. cit., pi. 18, fig. 59); Codex Egberti, 
at Treves, tenth century (H. Detzel, Christliche Ikonographie, Freiburg 
i. Br., 1894, fig. 168, p. 104); Runic Stone of Jelling (Jutland), tenth cen- 
tury (Fr. Sesselberg, Die fruhmxtt clatter Kunst der germ. Volker, 
Berlin, 1897, p. 54, fig. 187). 


There is generally a nimbus round the head of Christ. That in 
the St. Gall Crucifixion is dotted with red points, a feature of 
decoration equally dear to the Irish miniaturists. 

In the last-mentioned picture, the arms are bare as far as the 
elbow and the legs from the knee downwards. By a grotesque 
fancy the legs have been coloured in blue and the arms in "he 
de vin." 

3° Manner of attaching to the Cross. — For the first ten cen- 
turies, and even later, our Lord's feet are not shown crossed as 
often in present day figures, but. are nailed separately to the 
cross. In some oases they rest upon a little board (supped an earn). 
In the Irish representations the feet, are in like manner separated, 
but the suppedaneum is never found, except on the Dungannon 

It is noteworthy that no nails are apparent : for instance, in the 
plaques of Athlone and Dungannon as well as in the St. Gall 
miniature. The Southampton Psalter shows the hands of Christ 
with three red dots, but they are not intended to represent either 
nails or wounds. They are merely the red dots which the Irish 
miniaturists love to use for decorative purposes. The angel on 
the right has similar marks on his palms. 

The feet are represented in these two pictures with the heels 
close together and the toes turned outwards in such a fashion that 
both feet form one line. The ankle bone is marked by a small 
circle with a dot. in the centre. It is not. possible to say whether 
this feature is intended to represent the head of a nail or merely 
the ankle bone itself. 

III. Other Figures. — The figures that are generally associated, 
in early mediaeval iconography, with the scene of the Cruci- 
fixion are the Blessed Virgin and the Apostle John, the two 
thieves, two soldiers, one with a lance, the other with the sponge, 
and also, in some oases, angels and personifications of the sun 
and the moon. 

The Wurzburg Crucifixion (fig. 4), amongst all the examples 
cited in this article, is the richest in figures. There, are to be seen 
first the two thieves, each clothed in a. sort of sack and attached 
to tiny crosses hanging from the arms of the. main cross. 11 Two 
winged beings with human faces, probably representing angels, 
fly towards the good Thief, while two blackbirds, vaguely 
resembling penguins, fly in the direction of the bad Thief. They 
are probably intended to represent devils, infernal beings, 
according to an Irish belief, assuming sometimes the shape of 

11 This disposition of the thieves' crosses, as well as their clothing, re- 
calls, in a striking manner, the Crucifixion on the silver disc found in 
the Government of Perm, East Russia. See J. Eeil, op. cit., fig. 3, and 
Materiaux pour servir a V archeologie de la Bussie, xxii, 1899. 


blackbirds. 12 At the bottom of the page, floats a ship in which 
are our Lord, or perhaps the Blessed Virgin, and nine Apostles, 
one of whom (Peter '?) is steering. 

This is quite exceptional from the point of view of the number 
of figures represented. The only figures shown in all other painted 
Crucifixions, in those on metal plaques or in stone (except that 
at Magheraj, are the soldiers on each side of Christ and the 
angels above the arms of the cross. The constant appearance of 
these four accessory figures in Irish art is not the least curious 
of their characteristic features. 

1° The Lance-bearer. — The Gospel of Nicodemus (4th-5th cen- 
turies) already gives the name of Aoyyivos to the soldier who 
pierded with the spear the Saviour's side. 13 At the time when 
those earlier works, which we are now examining, were executed, 
the name of Longinus was known in Ireland. Above the head of 
the lance-bearer in the Durham miniature (8th century), the name 

Longinus " somewhat effaced by time, can still be made out; 
and the Irish martyrologies of Oengus (9th century) and of 
O 'Gorman (a.d. 1167) name and commemorate Longinus, the 
former on October 23, the latter on March 15. 14 Further the 
Leabhar Bread and other Irish MSS. contain an Irish translation 
of the Passio Longini, which was probably made in the 11th 
century. 15 

As the Gospel narrative does not say which side of Christ was 
pierced by the lance, some have represented the soldier as 
wounding him in the right side, some in the left. 16 Personal 
taste, the model which the artist, had before him, or particular 
ideas of symbolism have been the cause of the variations on this 
point. 17 

These divergences, common to all Christianity, are likewise to 
be noticed in Irish representations. In some it is the right side 
that is pierced by the spear, in others it is the left. The same 
variation appears in the texts. According to the Irish translations 

12 Tirechan, Collectanea, 38 (Analecta Bollandiana *JI, PP- 58-59), ed. 
Whitley Stokes; Tripartite Life, p. 322; L. Br. Homily on Patrick (Wh. 
Stokes, op cit., p. 474-475); Jocelin of Furness, Vita Patricii, xvii, 150 
(Boll., Acta SS. March, II, p. 571). 

13 Teschendorf, Evangelica Apocrypha, xvi, 283. See Eose Jeffries 
Peebles, The Legend of Longinus in Eccles. Traditions and in Engl. 
Literat., and its connection with the Grail, [Bryn Mawr Col. Mono- 
graphs, ix], Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania, 1911, p. 8. 

14 Felire Oengusso, ed. Whitley Stokes, London, 1905, p. 218; Felire 
Hui Gormdin, ed. Wh. Stokes, London, 1895, pp. 54-55. 

15 Edit. R. Atkinson, The Passions and the Homil. from Leabhar Breac 
[Todd Lecture Series, II], Dublin, 1887, pp. 60-64. 300-304. For date, 
see J. Vendryes, in Bevue Geltique, xxxii, 1911, p. 351. 

16 Eegarding the wound in the side of Christ, see Tillemont, Memoir es 
pour servir a V histoire ecclesiastique, I, p. 455. 

17 Andreas Schmid, Die Seitenwunde Christi (Zeitschrift f. christliche 
Kunst, xxi, 1908, 217-218). 

Plate X] 

[To face page 13*1 

Figures 10 to 13. — The Crucifixion as Carved on Irish Crosses and Sla 
10. Monasterboice. 11. Kells. 12. Carndonagh. 13. Iniskea. 


of the Passio Longini, it appears that Longinus " split the heart 
of Christ in twain, from which issued out blood and wine (s«c)." 18 
An opposite opinion is to be found in the tract on the Mass com- 
posed in Irish prior to the 11th century and preserved in the 
well-known Stowe Missal. The passage refers to the symbolism 
of the particle which the priest breaks from the wafer during the 
Mass. " The particle," so the tract has it, " that is cut off from 
the bottom of the half which is on the [priest's] left hand is the 
figure of the wounding with the lance in the armpit of the right 
side. " 19 

It is reported in the Passion of Longinus, above mentioned, that 
at the very moment when the heathen soldier wounded Christ, 
the light of faith illumined the eyes of his soul, so that he 
renounced immediately all the errors of paganism. 20 Such is 
probably the origin of the legend which relates that Longinus, 
blind up to that moment, was suddenly healed by the blood 
which, gushing from the Saviour's wound, fell upon his eyes. 
This legend seems to have had wide belief in the Middle Ages, 
particularly in Wales and Brittany. 21 There is a detail in the 
Crucifixion of St. Gall which proves that the legend was equally 
familiar to the Irish. A gush of blood, crudely represented by a 
red line drawn zig-zag, can be seen coming forth from the side of 
Christ and striking the right eye of Longinus. The right eye is 
open, whereas the left would still appear to be without sight 
(fig- !)• 

I know of two other miniatures which illustrate the legend of 
the miraculous healing of Longinus. One of these is in a MS. of 
the Gospels in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris (9th century), 22 the 
other is in a MS. of the 14th cent, in the British Museum. 23 In 
the picture contained in the latter MS., Longinus, who is seen 
with his spear in Christ's side, is himself making a gesture either 
of pointing to, or touching, his eye. 24 

18 The Irish text has really fm (= wine), R. Atkinson, op. ext., pp. 60 
and 300. 

19 Ed. McCarthy in Transactions B. I. A., xxvii, 1886, p. 245-265; ed 
Stokes and Strachan, Thesaur. Palaeohibernicus, Cambridge, 1903, II, 
p. 254. The recension of this tract in the L. Br. has almost the same 

20 Loc. ext., pp. 60 and 300. 

21 G. Hartwell Jones, Celtic Britain and the Pilgrim Movement, 
London, 1912, p. 179, sq. In an Irish poem composed c. 1649, Longinus is 
called "the blind" (Archivium Hibernicum, I, 1912, p. 120). " L'aveugle 
Longin " is mentioned in the French Chanson de geste " Les Narbon- 
nais," composed c. 1210 (see Bedier, Les Ugendes epiques, I, p. 42). 

22 MS. Lat. 257. Fig. in Ch. Louandre, Les Arts somptuaires, Paris 
1858, plate I, p. 36. 

23 MS. Roy. 19 c.i., fol. 119 (Breviaire d' Amour). 

24 In a miniature of a Belgian Psalter. Longinus has his hand at his 
left eye, which is opening, whereas the right remains closed (J ameson & 
Eastlake, The Hist, of Our Lord, London, 1864, II, p. 162). As a matter 
of fact, there is a variant of the Longinus legend, according to which 


2° The Sponge-bearer. — The name given to the man with the 
sponge is that of Stephaton, according to an inscription in the 
Crucifixion contained in a Gospel-book of the 9th century in the 
library of Angers (MS. No. 24 [20]). M. Clermont- Ganneau 
thinks that this name is the result of a confusion between the two 
words CnorrON (sponge) and CTE3>ATON in support of which 
theory he quotes several later inscriptions where this name is 
given to the sponge-bearer. 25 This personage is called Zefaton in 
an Irish homily of the Passion of our Lord. 26 

I myself wonder if the sponge was known in Ireland at the time 
that these crucifixions were depicted. 27 The following lines occur 
in a composite narrative of the Passion contained in the Leabhar 
Breac : ' ' One of the soldiers immediately afterwards ran, and put 
vinegar in a sponge on the top of a rod, and gave it to Jesus to 
drink." 28 Robert Atkinson translates ' machdual ' by ' sponge,' 
and this is still the word for sponge in Irish. But, as it does not 
occur in other Celtic tongues, it must be of foreign origin. Perhaps 
it comes from the Latin magdalium (with the substitution of — dual 
for — dal : Gr. ^aySaAta, a7ro/xay<5aAia meaning the crumb of bread 
which the Ancients used for cleansing their hands. If this is the 
real etymology of the word ' machdual,' it is clear that the early 
Irish only imperfectly understood the nature of the sponge. 29 

An Irish translation of the Gospel of Nr cod emus , which is 
found in the same MS., contains the following passage in which, 
instead of a sponge, a vase is mentioned: " Thus Jesus said, as 
he was on the cross: — ' I thirst '; and the Jews filled a vessel 
(lestar) with vinegar of the bitterness of gall, and gave it to him 
on the top of a rod, " 30 

Finally, yet more striking is the fact that in none of the Irish 
Crucifixions which come within the scope of this article, whether 

he was cured by touching his eyes with the fingers on which the blood 
of Jesus had flowed. See Jameson and Eastlake, op. ext., p. 161, and 
Boll., Acta SS. March, II, p. 373d. 

25 Clermont-Ganneau, Notes d' Archeologie Orientale : TV. Stephaton, 
V homme a V eponge de la crucifixion et les deux larrons Gestas et 
Bysmas (Revue Critique, 1883, pp. 145-147). 

26 R. Atkinson, Pass, and Horn., pp. 134 and 382. 

27 In the Gospel narratives, the sponge (airoyyos) is mentioned with 
regard to the Crucifixion in Mat., xxvii, 48, Mark xv, 36, John xix, 29; 
whereas in Luke (xxxiii, 36) it is recorded simply that vinegar was 
offered to the divine Sufferer, without any mention of the way in which 
this was done. 

28 Ed. R. Atkinson, pp. 134 and 382. 

29 See Du Cange s. v. " Magdalium." " The Latin word c spongia, ' 
was borrowed by the Irish in the form c sponc/ or ■ spong/ as by the 
Britons under the form ( yspwyng ' (Welsh). The word for sponge, 
whether it is a question of ' sponc " or of ' machdual/ must have been 
introduced at a fairly late date, during the ninth century at earliest. 
'Sponc' is found in the Glossary of Cormac " (privately communi- 
cated by M. Vendryes). . 

30 Ed. Atkinson, pp. 121 and 368. 

Plate XI] 

[To face page 136 


15. — Crucifixion on a Bronze Plate in the National 
Museum, Dublin. 


represented on stone, or metal or vellum, does the instrument on 
which the soldier gives the bitter drink to Christ resemble in any 
way a, sponge at the end of a reed. It is always a cup of varying 
depth fixed to a rod, and this coincides admirably with the text 
which has just been quoted. 31 The form of the upper part of the 
instrument does not always appear as spherical in iconographic 
compositions outside Ireland. For example, the instrument 
depicted in the miniature of the famous Syriac MS. of Rabula 
(a.d. 586), preserved at Florence, resembles a duster, 32 whereas 
in. the Gospel-book of Othon III. at Munich, the rod ends in a 
trilobate object. 33 In these examples, despite the vagaries of the 
artists, one clan recognise (with a certain amount of imagination) 
the form of a sponge, but the Irish representations do not give the 
slightest idea of on©. 

But it must not be inferred from this that the drawing which 
depicts a vase, instead of a sponge, fixed at the end of a rod, is 
only to be found in Irish examples. It can be seen on the 
Sassanian plate found in the Government of Perm (East Russia), 
which dates back to the 5th-6th century. 34 It is also represented 
thus on the bronze door of the cathedral of Hildesheim (Hanover), 
which dates from about a.d. 1015, 35 as well as in a miniature in 
a Belgian psalter, 36 and in one of the Anglo-Saxon psalters pre- 
served at Boulogne (MS. No. 20; 10-llth century). 37 It would 
not be unreasonable to suppose that in the last three cases the 
peculiarity is due to imitations on Irish designs. 38 

We know that the personage named Stephaton is not repre- 
sented in the Wiirzburg miniature. However, it is interesting to 
note that the instrument for assuaging the Saviour's thirst has 
not been omitted from the picture. The vase which replaces 
the sponge is here shown just touching the beard of the crucified 
figure, while the rod, to which the vase is fixed is held in place by 
a band around the body of Christ Himself. (Fig. 4). 

3° The Two Angels. — These are always placed in the upper 
angles of the cross. The Gospel-book of St. Gall shows only the 
upper part of their bodies. They are clothed in tunics with 

31 The carver of the Iniskea slab has represented the cup somewhat 
clumsily by two concentric circles. Fig. 13. 

32 Fig. in art. " Lance " in the Catholic Encyclopaedia. 

33 G. Leidinger, Miniaturen aus Handschriften der Kgl. Hof. und 
Staatsbibliothek in Miinchen, 1st ser., Miinchen [1912], pi. 50. 

34 J. Reil, op. ext., Fig. 3. 

35 Karl Woermann, Geschichte der Kunst, Leipzig and Wien, 1905, II, 
pi. 13. 

36 " In the possession of Mr. Holford." No other indication (Jameson 
and Eastlake, op. ext., II, p. 162.) 

37 Westwood, Facsim. of Miniat. and Ornaments, pi. 39. This MS. 
was written at St. Bertin. 

38 On the Influence of the Irish on the Continent, see my Chretientes 
Celtiques, Ch. V. 


symmetrical folds. Each one holds a book, and they are looking 
towards the Christ. (Fig. 1). 

In the Southampton Psalter, the composition of the angels can 
only be described as horrible. Neither their mouths, arms nor 
wings can be seen; but their hands appear with long pointed nails, 
the palms turned outwards. (Fig. 2). "I have no doubt," 
Mr. H. S. Crawford writes to me, " that these angels are un- 
finished. Many illuminated pages are incomplete, the Book of 
Kells furnishes examples." 

On the metal plaques, where their whole body is shown, they 
are on bended knee. On the Dungannon plaque, they hold 
Christ's head with one hand, the other resting against their cheek 
in sign of sadness. 39 

In the Durham Crucifixion, each angel has four wings, and 
their bodies are covered with many coloured feathers. The word 
INITIUM can be read ahove the head of the angel on the right 
of Christ and the words ET FINIS ahove the other one. (Fig. 3). 

On the Termonfechin cross, only one angel, placed above the 
head of Christ, is apparent. (Fig. 9). 

In the Wiirzburg MS. a, bird is perched on either arm of the 
cross. Very proba.bly they were intended to represent angels, for 
in some old Irish texts St. Michael is represented by a bird. 40 



On Crosses at — 

St. Mullin's - - - Co. Carlow. 

Dysert O'Dea - - - Co. Clare. 
Kilfenora ... 
Killaloe - 

Donaghmore " - Co. Down. 

Downpatrick ... 

Addergoole - Co. Galway. 

Templebrecan - 

Tuam "■"*." 

Castledermott N. Cross - - Co. Kildare. 

S. Cross - „ 
Moone Abbey - ,, 

39 This attitude is often found in Christian iconography. See Mar- 
tigny, Diet, des Antiquities Chretiennes, p. 443. See also G. L. Hamilton, 
Sur la locution " Sa Main a sa maissele " (Zeitskrift f. romanische 
Philologie, xxxiv, 1910, pp. 571-572). 

40 Immram Curdig Lua Corra, edit. Wh. Stokes in Rev. Celtique, xiv, 
1893, pp. 32-33; Lives of Saints from the Book of Lismore, ed. Wh. 
Stokes, Oxford, 1890, p. xiv. On the symbolism of the doves perched 
on the arms of the cross, in Christian Antiquity, see art. " Colombe/' by 
J. P. Kirsch in Cabrol and Leclercq's Diet, d' archeologie chretienne 
et de liturgie. 


On Crosses at — 

Graiguenamanagh N. Cross - Co. Kilkenny. 

„ S. Cross 

Ullard .... 
Clonmacnois W. Cross - - King's Co. 

3 , S. Cross 
Drumcullin ... 
Durrow Abbey - „ 

Monasterboice N. Cross - - Co. Louth. 

S. Cross - - „ 
W. Cross - 
Termonfechin - - 
Caher Island - Co. Mayo. 

Kells Market Cross - - Co. Meath. 
3) S. Cross - 
E. Cross 

Duleek N. Cross - „ 
„ S. Cross - - - „ 
Clones - Co. Monaghan. 

Donagh ... - 
Drumcliff - Co. Sligo. 

Cashel - Co. Tipperary. 

Mona Incha 
Roscrea - 

Arboe - Co. Tyrone. 

Donaghmore - 

Glendalough ... Co. Wicklow. 

On Slabs or Pillars at — 

Carndonagh - Co. Donegal. 

Duvillaun Co. Mayo. 

Iniskea North - 

On Round Towers at — 
Teachadoe - Co. Kildare. 

, Donaghmore - Co. Meath. 

On a Church Doorway at — 
Maghera - - - Co. Londonderry. 



By Thomas Johnson Westropp, m.a., Past-President. 

[Read 9 December 1919.] 1 

Ireland lias been called " the home of survivals and old 
memories." There is some truth in the rhetoric. What she was to 
Europe the islands and peninsulas of her coast were to her. Sea 
borne colonies landed at them and passed inland to occupy richer 
fields, expelling older races, who fled in their turn back to nurse 
their bitterness on the barren headlands. The Irish " thought in in- 
vasions ' ' other ancient nations usually claimed to be sprung from 
the soil but, like Israel, the Irish race preferred to think of itself 
as a wanderer and settler, and of its gods as invading and winning 
the country. 2 Gann and Genann of the Fir Bolg (the Ganganoi of 
Ptolemy) land near the Shannon mouth in an inbir in Co. Clare, 3 
the Clann Milid landed near the district of our studies in " Inbir 
Scene. ' ' 4 The King of the World tried to conquer Ireland from his 
base at Ventry. 5 These legends had their counterpart in actual 
history in the Danish and Norse settlements, from Limerick to 
Waterford. As for our district, we shall see that one of its earliest 
legends tells of the landing of a Munster King, with his Spanish 
wife and allies, at Beare Island. 6 Close to us too is located the 
story of Muredach the Gray, of Dairbre, or Valencia, " for 
Munster's points and borders were the land of Clann Ebir after 
they had been banished." " Into the sea and into the islands of 
the sea the Clanna Degaid banished him so that in them Muredach 
Mucnai became gray," 7 Was it after some such conquest in Beare 
that the same race inscribed the great monolith of Faunkill to 
" MacDegaid "? All up the coast even recent folk tale recalls 

1 Continued from vol. xliii. p. 324. 

2 The " invasion " of the Tuatha De and their " defeat " by the Celts 
is only found in our literature about a.d. 975, but they would have been 
regarded as conquerors and divine allies at all times. 

3 Eriu, viii, p. 13. 

* Leabhar Gabhala (ed. Macalister and MacNeill), I, xiii, p. 251. 
Professor MacNeill doubts the identification (Phases of Irish His- 
tory, pp. 94, 95). The first defeat of their own gods (the Tuatha De) 
was in Glen Fais in Corcaguiny, which seems much off the line of any 
march from Kenmare " River." 

5 Cath. Finntragha (ed. Kuno Meyer). 

6 Battle of Magh Leana and the corresponding tale Tochmarch Mo 
Mera (ed. O'Curry, Ir. Archaeol. Soc). 

7 Silva Gadelica (tr. S. H. O'Grady), II, p. 349, Revue Celtique, xm, 
p. 437. 

Plate XII] 

[To face page 141 


such events as the " Battle of Cross" in the Mullet of Mayo, 
where are shown the " Hollow of Blood " and the " Munster 
Kings' tomb." 8 Even the Icelandic Saga, nine centuries ago, 
after the battle of Clontarf foretold how the " new coming races, 
who on outlying headlands abode ere the fight " will rule Ireland. 9 
In this paper I close wha,t is probably a nearly complete survey 
of the fortified headlands and the adjoining remains of the Irish 
coasts from Sligo 10 to "Wexford. Save some low portions devoid 
of fort names, I have seen and usually explored every probable 
reach. Only two headland forts had been adequately described 
before, Dubh Cathair by Dr. John O'Donovan and Dunbeg at 
Fahan by Professor Macalister. Valuable sporadic notes on the 
last fort, by Du Noyer and Windele, and on Dimnamo, by Otway 
and O'Donovan, alone were forthcoming and the plans, save 
Professor Macalister's, were all of great inaccuracy. Of spur forts, 
not actually on the Coast, Caherconree had been carefully de- 
scribed by John Windele and Mr. P. J. Lynch, the latter's plan 
and sections being of great value, like thai of Dunbeg. 11 

May I note of the " completed " Survey that some 195 such 
forts have been described and many planned and photographed 
for the first time. Though my notes and views actually begin 
in 1875, the systematic work 12 dates only from 1902 with the 
forts of Co. Waterford and Baginbun. Southern Co. Clare was 
completed in 1906; Kerry was explored, from 1907 to- 1912, during 
six years. The Clare Island Survey, by the Eoyal Irish Academy, 
enabled me to examine the Islands, while the coasts of Tirawley 

8 Journal, xlii, pp. 212-215; xliv, pp. 73, 74. There was a large layer of 
bones under the sand in the " Hollow of Blood/' only disclosed by a 
great storm. 

9 Burnt Nial (ed. Dasent, 1900), p. 328. 

10 I only have noted one such headland in Sligo, Dooneragh or Coola- 
doon at Knocklane Castle. There are sea cut forts at Aughris and Der- 
more, the last evidently a ring fort, and shore names Coradoon and 

11 Dubh Cathair — Notes on Irish Architecture (Dunraven), I, p. 19, 
pi. x. Dunbeg, Trans. B. I. Acad., xxxi, pp. 209-344 (Macalister); Iar 
Mumhan (Windele, MS. B. I. Acad., 543), pp. 472-7 in 1848, and Supp., 
vol. ii, pp. 20, 328; Archaeolog. Journal xv, (Du Noyer), p. 8; Proc. 
B. I. Acad., iii, ser. iii (Sir T. N. Deane), p. 100. Dunnamo, Erris and 
Tyrawly (Rev. Caesar Otway, 1839), p. 69; Journal, xix, p. 182 (W. F. 
Wakeman). The first has a good sketch plan, the second is most inaccu- 
rate; J. Windele on Caherconree, Ulster Journal of Archaeology 
(original series, 1860), viii, p. 116. 

12 Co. Waterford, Journal, xxxvi, p. 239; Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxii, p. 
188. Co. Wexford, •/., xxxvi, p. 257; xlviii, p. 1. Co. Clare, xxxviii 
pp. 28, 35, 221; xli, pp. 135, 356. N. Munster Archaeol. Soc, ii, pp. 
134, 225. iii, pp. 38, 154, 162. Co. Kerry, ./., xl, pp. 6, 99, 179, 265; xlii, 
p. 285. Co. Mayo, xlii, p, 51, 101, 185, xliv, pp. 67, 148, 297, 322; Proc. 
B. I. Acad., xxix, p. 11; xxxi (2), p. 19. Co. Galway, Pr. xxviii, p. 
179; xxv, p. 266; xliv, p. 330; xlix, p. 330. Co. Cork, Pr. xxxii, pp. 
89, 249, and present section. Some of the North Clare forts were de- 
scribed in another series of papers, ./., xxxv, pp. 359, 346, 360; xli, pp. 
145-6, 356; xxxvii, p. 35. 


and Erris were completed during three years 1909-1911. Co, 
Cork was begun in 1913 and could have been finished the next 
year but for the outbreak of the great war on the very day fixed 
by us to begin the work in Bantry and Beare. For four- years 
leave could not be obtained to work round the important Naval 
base of Beare Haven, even had other causes not hindered. In 
altered times indeed these present notes were taken ; my fellow 
worker in South Cork, Kerry and Mayo, Dr. George Fogerty, 
R.N., died, worn out by unsparing work for the wounded; another 
dear friend, Mr. Richard Ussher, whose minute knowledge helped 
me so much in Waterford, also had died before the evil days came 
on us.'r I had, however, the advantage of a third friend, who had 
worked with me in North Kerry and helped me during a quarter 
of a century in work on the Clare forts, Dr. George U. Mac- 
Naniara; 13 I must warmly acknowledge their unselfish and efficient 
help. Others too helped me, Col. and Mrs. Stacpoole, of Cloyne, 
along the coast east from Cork Harbour; Mr. R. Lloyd Praeger 
in the Mayo Islands; the Rev. John Bolton Greer (as also with 
the forts in N.E. Clare) at Nook, and Miss Matilda Redington at 
Dungoora. When my notes on six Leinster forts 14 and one in 
Sligo are published, antiquaries will have notes on all known sites 
in the three more Southern provinces. At the most, only a 
couple of weeks each summer could be devoted to> the work, 
even in the most favourable years, so I hope for lenient judgment 
if (as well may be) omissions are found. 


Beare and its Island and haven are richer in memories than in 
remains. We are everywhere met by tales of gods rather than 
of mere deified mortals. Save Beara, the wife of a mortal, we have 
goddesses, Bui, or Baei, 15 Edaoin, Clidna, 16 and the " Badbh," 
" Siomha." Very crude and early is the tale of Bui ; Cairbre Muse 
and Duben, 17 his sister (or daughter) had twin sons. Nature 

13 He died the following November, 1919. 

14 Carrick Castle, Dunbur, Black Castle, The Baily (not Dun Crim- 
thann), Dromanagh and Garden fort. Mr. Hoare has described Carrick 
Castle, in his History of Wexford, and Dr. F. E. Ball (from my notes and 
plan), the Great Baily of Howth, in Howth and its Owners, p. 12. 

15 Metrical Bind Shenchas (ed. Gwynn, Todd Lect. Ser.), x. p. 5, pp. 
206-9, also Acallamh (Silva Gadelica, ii, p. 201). 

16 For Clidna see Proc . R. J. Acad., xxxiv, p. 55, and Met. Bind. S. pp. 
206-9, for " Waves of Teite " and " Clidna." Clidna visits Dun Claire 
Dun lios an Dagda, in Aherloe, and other places in Cliu (as Mr. W. 
Gogan points out) in a 17th century poem, " La da, rabhas." The 
presence of the Dagda is interesting there, under the"" Harps of Cliu/' 
for, like Cliu, the Dagda is a harper god, who calls up the seasons by his 
music. See Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxiv, pp. 151-4, and Squire's Mythol. of 
the British Islands (1910), p. 34. 

17 Leabar na h Uidre, f . 54 Of course, ethically, there was no offence 
in such a union among many primitive nations, some, indeed, of high 
civilisation. The story is either misunderstood or recast. 


sickened at their birth and called for their destruction but the lady 
Bui rescued Core, putting the infant on the back of a cow, or 
bull, till the more than original sin was absorbed into the animal, 
which swam out and became a sea rock (either ' ' the bull " or " the 
cow ") off Dorsey. The first islet was called Bo Bui even on 
Italian maps. Bui, Bea, or Baei, gave her name also to Dunboy, 
she is possibly Bui, or Baei, wife of the sun god Lug, 18 whose 
descendants settled at Beare; she is said to have given her name 
to Cnogba, or Cnoe baea, the great tumulus of Knowth. A 
certain " Dorn Buide " 19 (" yellow fist " is very possibly " Donn 
Bui "; he had a sacred mound, or Sid, to the N.W. of the goddess 
Clidna's leacht, near Teite's strand and Dun Teite, or Dundeady, 
on Galley Head. Donn was drowned at the Bull Bock, thence 
also called " Tech Duinn " (so Eockabill was another Sid); lie 
was son of Mil, ancestor of the il Milesians." Professor Meyer, 20 
in one of his latest papers, argues that Donn and not Mil was 
ancestor of the Celts and a god of the dead (as the Gauls claimed 
descent from Dis) and that his childless death was a Christian tale 
to obliterate his alleged claim to ancestry. I see several objections 
to this, Mil's father, Bile, was also Balor, an avowed death god, 
the favourite Gallc-British god Belinus. 21 If Donn was made to 
die childless at the rock, a like fate befell his brother, Colptha, 
and (for that matter) his brother Ir, who had in later tales 
numerous reputed descendants, so some other cause must lie 
behind the story. Clidna plays a part in more than one coast 
legend, as we shall see. 

In the Mag Leana legend it: is hard to question the godhead of 
Edaoin and Siumhna, despite the latter 's death, but Beara does 
not seem (to our present knowledge) to be a goddess. Her husband 
also is mortal, like his father and descendants, but he springs 
like most of the local families (whether his descendants, the 
O'Sullivans, or the O'Driscolls) from a group of gods — Lug " long 
hand," the chief god in Gaul, Britain and Ireland 22 (whom the 

18 The L. na h Uidre, f. 43, makes Baoi wife of a druid, Dinioch. In 
such myths (c./. Lug, Nuada, Net and Manannan) the gods are fre- 
quently made into " druids." The rock Bui, Proc. B. I. Acad., xxx, 
p. 417. As wife of Lug, see Metr. Bind. S., x, p. 41; see Journal, supra, 
M, pp. 184-5. 

19 For the hill, Dorn Buidhe, see Cork Hist, and Arch. Journal, xviii, 
p. 52. So we have " folk renderings " of Dun baoi as " yellow fort " and 
Beanntraige as " white strand/' not to speak of the egregious translation 
Kilcatierin, " Church of the Iron Cat." ! 

20 1 must thank Mr. K. Best for showing me the notice of this in The 
Irish Statesman, i, p. 33, after completion of present paper. 

21 In Euhemerist British History" Belinus is hero of a " light god " 
tale. Beil was god of a sacred fire at Uisnech. Khys identifies him as 
a darkness god on comparison of certain Welsh and Irish pedigrees of 
Lug and Llew. 

22 See Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxiv, pp. 141, 149, 163. The change of 
" Samildanach " (master of sciences) to Dul daunach (blind surly) as 
the epithet of Lug is possibly a Christian polemic (see Squire's Myth. 


Romans and even the Gauls identified with ' ' Mercury ' ') ; Nuada 
Silver Hand " (the British Nudens, or Ludens, worshipped at 
Lydney and Ludgate) 23 Dergthene, sometimes equated with 
Dairfine (the O'DriscohV ancestor), a name for the war goddess 
Macha and the river goddess Segais, of the Boyne and Shannon. 21 
Nor are these the only divine ancestors — " Nia Segamain of the 
Siabra " (" nephew " or " champion " of the Brito-Gaulish war 
god Segomo); Siorna, possibly the Gaulish Sirona; not to speak 
of Art Imlech ("Art is a god " in Cormac's Glossary, perhaps 
Artaius); the Corbs (Niad Corb, Cu Corb, Mog Corb), 25 the Derg 
triad, Deirgfota, Deirgthine, 26 and Deirg, and, perhaps, others, un- 
suspected in our present ignorance of Irish mythology and the 
" non-Gaulish " Celtic gods. In the Dedad tribes we find 
Ethrial " a by-name for Nuada Arged-lamh among the ancestry 
of Ugaine Mor 27 while the lines of nearly all the Munster chiefs 
unite in Nuada. If (as some scholars assert) Eogan be the 
Gaulish E sit gen, our hero bore the name of one of the frightful 
triad," Taranis, horrible Esus, and dire Teutates," whose altars in 
old Gaul once reeked with human gore, like those of " the Vampire 
goddess of Tauris." Eogan at least was " foster son " of Nuada 
and called from him " Mog Nuadat," as his father Oengus 
" Mog Neid " was foster son 28 of the war god Net, the 
Gaulish Neto, who was venerated with his wife Nemet 

Brit. Isles, 1910, p. 237 ; Larminie's West Folk Tales, pp. 1 to 9). Since the 
close of the war, M. Loth's most helpful paper, " Le Dieu Lug," &c. 
(Bevue Archeol., xxiv, pp. 205-230) has reached our Libraries. He re- 
gards the " Lugoves " as feminine, like the Matronae, Nervinae, and 
other goddess groups in Gaul and Britain. Perhaps Lug's wives, Bui, 
Nas, &c, in our mythology, represent them. A feminine compound is 
found in Gaul, " Julia Luga-selva," Ben. Celt, x, p. 487. 

23 Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxiv, pp. 145-163; North Munster Arch. Soc, iv, 
p. 171. Brash read " Nuada " on the Ballyvooney Ogham, but it seems 
to be " Neta." 

24 Bev. Celt., xxii, p. 58. She is also " Sinend, Dairine, Neth, Nemain, 
Badb, Aife, Macha, Mede mod and Samon." She was mother of Nuada 
Dearg (Battle of Magh Leana). Goddesses sometimes change sex in 
later myths, like Lug's mother, Ethniu or Etan, becomes his father 
Ethlen; also father of Ogma, another solar and culture god (Second 
Battle of Magh Tured, Bev. Celt., xii). 

25 All dedicatory names, " nephew," or " champion," " hound," and 
" devotee," of " Corb," a probable, but vague, deity. Professor 
MacNeill regards the ogmic " Niotta " as nephew, " Netta " as cham- 

26 Deirgthine, alias Corb Oluim (the " Corb " names here need study), 
the epithet recurs with his more famous descendant, Oilioll Aulom : a 
lost myth is evident here. See Coir Anmann (Irische Texte, iv, p. 255). 
The names of holy mounds, Sith Deirg, in Ireland and Nuada's epithet 
call for specialised study. 

27 Batt. of M. Leana, p. 170, from B. of Lecan, f. 64b. 

28 I5id., p. 3; Coir Anm., p. 255, Net's grandson, Bress, gives 
his name to Carn Ui Neit, on Mizen Head. His father Elathan is 
sometimes son of Delbaoth, son of Net; one recalls the forcing of Del- 
baoth into the Eoghanacht pedigree as son of Oilioll Aulom, grandson 
of Mog Neit. 


(Nemetona) at Grianan Aileach and perhaps at the stream and 
spring! Nith and Nemhnach at Tar a. The Munster pedigrees from 
Nuada 29 are (as we see) most suggestive. They certainly date 
from pagan times, glorying in their descents from gods. Un- 
fortunately corrupt and disarranged copies alone exist, to take an 
example — the tale of Mosaulom 30 (Oilioll Aulom son of Eogan), 
we find this pedigree — " Lug Feidleach, Nuada Aicnech, 
Luigthine, and Daig Dergthine." In the ' l official descent " we 
have *' Lug Larnhfada, Nuada Argetlamh, Lachtaine, 31 Deirg 
Deirgthine.'' 32 In other lines Lug is son of Nuada, or father of, 
the latter, or son of his son Lachtaine, or even of the Dagda. 33 
In the Mac Carthy descent Loic mor 34 and Eanna replace Lug 
and Nuada, before Deirgthine, but Nuada and his son (actually 
father) Aldod 35 (Allot) are put farther up the line. The Corca 
Loegde (O'Driscolls) make Lug father of Conaire Mor 36 and Dair- 
fhine replaces Deirgthine (Corb Oluim) 37 but all the descents 
agree in making the Munster Princes descendants of a group of 
gods and show how Keating errs in stating that no family traces 
its descent from the Tuatha De Danann. The tribal pedigree of 
the two races 38 that held Beare in historic times rests on documents 
embodied in the Saltair of Cashel, a.d. 880-902), with addenda in 
1070 and 1418, transcriptions from the lost " Book of Inisduine " 
by the O'Cowhigs and 0''Driscolls in the 16th century and by the 

29 Corca Laidhe, pp. 9, 57 ; Keating's History (Ir. Texts Soc), iv, pp. 17, 
39, 47; Battle of Magh Leana," pp. 169-173. 

30 Todd Led. Ser. (ed. Meyer), xvi, p. 29. 

31 Perhaps the carpenter god Luigthine or Luchtae. " Second Battle of 
Mag Tured," Bev. Celt., xii, p. 77. 

32 Note the variant titles of Nuada " Deaglamh " and " Derglamh." 

33 Urard Mac Coisi's Poem circa a.d. 970 (Ir. Myth. Cycle, p. 98). The 
term " Dagda/' usually applied to Eochu Ollathair, is transferred to 
his son Oengus in Munster. The latter's son, Bodb Dearg (see Proc. 
B. I. A., xxxiv, p. 153), is, in variants of the Mog Nuadat legend, con- 
fused with Nuada Dearg, who elsewhere has a fort on Bodb's mountain, 
Slievenaman. There was Dun lios an Dagda in Aherloe, named in a 
late poem. Perhaps by Lug's father, " The Dagda," Nuada is intended, 
as Dagda means the " good god." 

34 We may note confusion of Loic with Lug in ancestry of the separate 
tribes of Luigne and Luagne. See Duanaire Finn (Ir. Texts Soc, ed. 
MacNeill), p. xxxi. For Loic mor see Tain bo Cualnge (Dunn), p. 171. 

35 De Jubainville's Irish Myth. Cycle (tr. R. Best), p. 198; Allot is father 
of Nuada and Manannan, and so evidently identical with the latter's 
famous father, Lir. In Welsh tales (e.g., Killwch) Llyr and Lludd are 
identified, so one even suspects that Allod is a Lludd (Nuada)-Lir. The 
daughter Credylled, given to both, is, of course, Shakespeare's Cordelia, 
with no exact Irish equivalent. Allot is a tribal ancestor (divine) in 
Ogham epitaphs. 

36 Conaire Mor and Fergus Mac Roig were a favourite resource of 
tribes wanting an ancestor in later times (New Ir. Bev., 1906, p. 72). 

37 Coir Anm., p. 299. 

38 Book of Lecan, f. 64, f. 213; Booh of Leinster, f. 38a; " Corca Laide 
(Miscellany of Celtic Soc), pp. 57, 65, 17, 25; Keating' s History, iv, pp. 
15-23; Coir Anm., p. 291, 293, 297, 299 317, 319, 321, 327, 361, 407; "The 
Battle of M. Leana " and " The Battle of M. Muchrimhe." 


Dal Cais of Thomond over the same period. One element is re- 
motely early it runs through Lug, Lachtaine, Nuada, to Deirg- 
thine and Derg (" Deaga " in Corca Loegde pedigree) the Mythical 
Dergthene (or Corb Oluim), father of Mog Neit (Oengus) in the 
Saga of Magh Leana where the detailed legend of the Cashel 
princes begins. 

The Corca Loegde gave Lug, Deag, Sithbolg, Daire and Lugaid 
Laide (the eponymus), MacNiad and Lugaid MaeCon, who plays 
SO' large a, part in the> second tribal Saga of M Magh Muchrime 
Battle " with Mog Nuadat's son Oilioll Aulom. Several, like Deag, 
Sithbolg and Daire get identified with the Cashel ancestors, to 
whom the Corca Loegde wished to affiliate their pedigree, as the 
Mac Carthies tried to connect themselves with Loic and the Tain 
bo Cualnge Saga even by sacrificing the divine ancestor Lug. The 

Book of Inisduine " has older god names for some of these — 
" Lugh mannra " and " Deag mannra," Allot, " Nuada Fullon " 
(or " Neacht "), Lugh, Lugaid and Loichm interchange. The 
Cashel line 39 has the very illuminating descent from " Nia 
Segamon, the siabra " (god), son of Flidais Foltchain, while Nuada, 
under Lis many epithets, and Lug meet us in every line of descent. 
Another divine descent — Allclod, Nuada, Breogan, Bile and Mile — 
connects the later Mile legend 40 with the gods. It probably was 
an " intrusive block " from Meath. In short the builders of 
this " Tower of Confusion " have preserved so many blocks 
from the older building that we can restore at least some of its 
main features — A god pedigree was always useful for their 
attempts to " fortify and overlay " their " portentous bridge " 
over the " vast abyss " that separated even the earliest pagan 
legends from the' days of Noah and Adam ! 

Other insertions are from less distinguishable sources; Eocho 
Mumho, 41 the eponymus of Mumhan or " Munster," and his 
father, Nia Febhis, or Mo Febliis (sometimes 40 generations apart 
are put in anywhere ! Fer Corb and Mog Corb 42 are moved from 
their semi-historic position, after a.d. 300 to b.c 530-495 to 

39 Coir Anmann, p. 295. Flidais Foltchain (or a namesake) is brought 
down to the period of Cuchulaind (see Tain bo Flidais, Celtic Beview, i, 
sqq., " Glenmasson MS. " of 1238, ed. Mackinnon), elsewhere she is wife 
of Fergus son of Eoig. Her husband " Adamair " is a mistake from 
Ammathair (mother), referring to Flidais. It is a curious sidelight on a 
contradictory tale, and its origin, as dull as the attempts to render 
Segomo as " deer " or " surpassing in wealth " (Keating, ii, p. 179). 

40 See New Ir. Bev., 1906, pp. 3-6, "Where does Ir. hist, begin?" 
Professor MacNeill. The Mile tribes have no ancient legend before circa 
a.d. 150, and trace to three ancestors Conn of Tara, Cathaoir of Naas, 
and Oilioll Aulom of Mag Femen in that period. They fight on foot; the 
archaic war chariot has nearly passed out of use. 

41 Book of Lecan, f . 213. Neither Keating nor the Book of Leinster give 
him in the descent, but he is recognised in Coir Anmann, p. 289. 

42 See Coir Anmann, p. 369; " Messin Corb," I think, does not appear 
in the " received " genealogies, so a triad Mog Corb, Cu Corb, and Nia 
Corb is left. 


pad out " the sham " High King list " of Giolla Coemhain, in 
1070. There they are Kings of Leinster but connected with 
" Brugh " and " Claire," most probably their home forts of 
Dim Claire and Brugh righ. " Ethrial " or Nuada (b.c. 1511), 
Art Imlech (b.c. 1025), Setna Sithbacc and his* son Duaoh 
{b.c. 935), Eochu " King of Ch'u and Claire (b.c. 760), Lugaid 
Laide (b.c. 746 or a.d. 200) and Nia Segamain (b.c. 150 to 70) 
.are independently connected with the tribal districts. They are 
used in 2iew combinations, regardless of dates, and only the 
last (with a very obscure pedigree) seems to be a genuine tribal 
ancestor falling in with the movement of the Dergthene from 
Ardmore (and perhaps the Severn) to Magh Femen. Giolla Coem- 
hain has taken one of the documents, itself a compound of (I 
think) three older pedigrees, and alternated it for many generations 
with Leinster pedigrees, in his " High King " poem. 43 In short 
(commending the subject to better qualified students) it seems 
clear that we have (1) a god pedigree (2; a Nia Segamon pedigree 
from Eechtad with almost forgotten legends, perhaps earlier than 
the conquest of Ch'u (alleged of the second century), and (3) the 
consistent, if mythical, pedigree from Dergthene (which was 
decorated by stray god-legends 44 down to a.d. 300) to Eanna 
Airigthech, about a.d. 420. There the rich mass of legends ends 
abruptly, at the very period which saw the beginning of Christia- 
nity in Munster, a, most notable coincidence. 45 The tribal 
' history," from Lugadd Meann's conquest of the present Co. 
Clare, about a.d. 350, seems largely reliable. The bringing in 
of the Calraige, Caenraige, Muscraige, Uaithne, perhaps even 
of the Ui Fidgeinte, tribes into the Cashel pedigree is not pre- 
historic tradition but mediaeval political exigency. Very 
clear is the fact that we have tradition of a tribal movement of 
the second century, Ptolemy notes the British " Brigantes," 
about a.d. 150, wedged into the Ousdioi and Iouernoi, Ossraige 
and Ernai in S.E. Ireland. We find in the Decies of Co. Water- 
ford a tribal legend of a god-king, Nia Segamon, whence the 
Dergthene. Monuments of a tribe who claimed a god- ancestor 
in the formula " Maqi mucoi Netasegamonos " are found on the 
coast, at Ardmore and "Island" and at Seskinan, in the 
mountain pass, in the line of the Bian bo (the ancient road) from 

43 Todd Led. Series, iii. For this patchwork to conciliate the leading 
ruling races of 1070 see Professor MacNeill in New Ireland Bev., 1907, 
p. 342. Ibid., 1906, p. 130, and the denunciation of the Book of Leinster 
on the insertion of non-Celtic lines into the Milesian pedigrees, see same 
(Ivernian Soc, 1911, p. 151). I must also refer to Professor Macalister's 
paper, Journal, xxxviii, pp. 1-16. 

44 Like those of Cian and the Cianachta evidently from Lug's father 
Cian, and the Dealbna evidently from the fire god Delbaoth. 

45 The " noble branch of druids " on Cenn Febrat (Metr. Bind. 8., x, 
p. 231) may have preserved these tales, as the Cashel monks did in later 



Ardmore to Mag Feimhin, Semi-historic legend finds the Derg- 
thene in Mag Femen; they claim as ancestors Nia Segamon, Mog 
Neid and Mog Nuadat. The first name gives the only trace in 
Ireland of the Gallo -British war god, Segomo ; the last is called 
from another war god, who had a temple on the Severn. We 
find the Kings who held Southern Tipperary and S.E. Limerick 
still holding Illaunobric fort, 46 near the " Island " ogham pillar. 
Thence the tribal sagas mark their advance to Bruree, about 
a.d. 195 to 230; to Oashel 420'; to Carnarry, in N.E. Limerick, 
about, 330; to the Northern Border of Central Clare about 378, 47 all 
is consistent and the outline probable. The Corca Loegde (" an 
Ithian," i.e., non-Milesian race) were close allies 48 of the Derg- 
thene and may have come from Waterford but their traditions 
begin in Kinelea near Cork city about a.d. 190; they moved on even 
to Kenmare. 49 The third ruling race of the earliest Saga seems t©< 
have been compound, Ivernian, " Ernai, " the great Clanna 
Deagad 50 (kin to the Muscraige and Corca Baiscinn) who buried 
their chiefs at Temair Erann, on the holy hill of Febra, at Bally- 
houra Pass. Their most definite monument, the great Faunkill 
obelisk, 51 " Maqi Deceddas avi Toranias " suggests connection 
with Ui Tama of Abbeydorney in North Kerry. They at first 
claimed an archaic descent from " Oilioll Erann of the double 
dart, ' ' 52 but substituted a ' ■ political descent ' ' from the god Lug 
through Conaire mor in their later pedigrees. 

The Tales of Beara and Liban. 

The earliest (in subject) of the group of sagas of the Deirgthine — 
the Battle of Mag Leana 53 is sadly in need of the higher 
criticism. Its tribal arrangements, though later than those of 
the Tain bo Cualnge, mark only a slightly later stage to that 
in Ptolemy's record a.d. 150: It has primitive features (save war 
chariots), burial with all one's weapons and the lover goddess;- 

46 The pursuers of Mog Nuadat seek him there, Battle of Magh Leana, 
p. 23. 

47 Not merely the Dalcais, but the Eoghanachta (Ninuis), who won 
Aran and part of the opposite shore in Co. Clare. 

48 And Lugaid Mac Conn was also aided by one of Mog Nuadat's son& 
(Battle of M. Muchrimhe, Bev. Celt., xiii, p. 441) 

49 Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxii, pp. 92-3. 

50 For them and their ancestor Deda or Dega, a lake and hill god, see 
ibid., xxxiv, pp. 159-163. 

51 The epitaph was cut after the pillar was set up (Irish Epigraphy, 
Macalister, iii, p. 47.) 

52 New Ireland Bev., xxvi, p. 133. Torania, perhaps wife of Esus 
(BJiys, Hibbert Led., iv, p. 71), not Eterun (Macalister, Temair Br eg., 
p. 298), nor Cromm (Ir. Myth. Cycle, p. 62). The usual reading " De 
bolg gai " is really " Diabul gai " (Professor E. Gwynn). 

53 Cath. Mhuigh'e Leana (O'Curry, Celtic Soc), pp. 39-153 (from Yellow 
Book of Lecan, a.d. 1391) its variant Tochmarch Momera is given with 


the catching of the salmon before Nudens, in the Lydney bronze, 
has a close equivalent in connection with Nuada's foster son. 
The picture of the rise and fall of the Deirgthene seems earlier 
than their leading and powerful position in earliest- history. In 
it the Ernai and Corca Loegde are at least their equals and the 
latter claimed no blood kinship with the Cashel princes till late 
times. On the other hand, the death of the war goddess and the 
possible allusion to the Norse, though the last is probably an inser- 
tion, mark its present recension as, perhaps, of the 10th or 11th 
century, hardly of the 12th, with its uncompromising euhemerists. 
There were, the teller says, three tribes (i.e., ruling races) in 
Munster, the Dergthene, Dairine, and the Ithian tribe of Breogan. 
They were independent of each other and were ruled by Mogh 
Neid, son of Dergthene, Conaire, son of Mog Lamha and 
Maicniadh, " son of Lughdaid." The first had a promising son, 
Eoghan mor, foster son of Nuada 54 whence his title "Mog 
Nuadat." Heralded by a dream, like that in Genesis, of the kine 
lean and fat, came seven years of plenty and seven years of famine, 
Mog Neid, forewarned by his wife and the druid Deargdamhsa, 55 
stored food, the others only laid up for cue year in advance. The 
starving tribes accepted the provident King's food and terms and 
banished their princes, who fled to Conn of the hundred fights, 
who gave them his daughters in marriage. Mog Neid resented 
this and attacked Conn, his army (led by Deagad mor, who was 
defeated and slain by Asal mor, two very mythical persons) was 
put to flight. Nor was Mog Neid himself more fortunate, he was 
slain by Goll mac Moirne, in Eile (Ely 0''Carrol in King's 
County), Eogan covering the retreat by a " brilliant rearguard 
action." The druid got Conn to grant honorable burial to Mog 
Neid, who was buried (as became the avowed devotee of the War 
god Net) in a sod grave, in his armour and his helmet, with his 
spears beside his shoulder and his club, like an early Gaulish 
burial. 56 Eogan fled to Glenlara, in Luachair Deagaid, 57 his pur- 

5i The account of the fort making is very curious (Battle of Magh 
Leana and Coir Anmann, p. 301. The story is told of Nuada and his 
foster son of Almhu and at Ailinn. The Hymn to St. Brigid (Thesaurus 
Palseohibemicus, ii, pp. 343-4) gives Christianised versions both of the 
fort building, with the removal of the boulder by Lugaid, i.e., Lug, and 
the making soldiers hack pillars instead of their intended victim. Lug 
also throws a pillar at a fort. Rev. Celt., xii, p. 79; Second Battle of 

55 This is evidently the older version before the clerical insertion of 
" Pharaoh's Dream/' 

56 Cf., Battle of M. L., p. 21; Irische Texte hi, p. 290 (where a cairn is 
opened and a warrior is found with his weapons and the " chain of Lug 

tac Ethlenn and Dechelette Manuel cV Archeologie iv, pp. 1024, 

57 As the realm of Curoi (or Luachair) extended past Glenlara to 
Oenach Clochair, near Dun Claire (Mesca TJlad, p. 17), it may be m 
Southern Co. Limerick. The pursuers then lost him at Aherloe and 
turned south. (See Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxii, p. 459). Dr. J. O'Fergus 


suers seeking him in vain down the Suir Valley and across the 
present Co. Waterford to the promontory fort of Oilean O'Bric, 58 
close to one of the inscribed pillars to another descendant of Nia 
Segamain, incidentally supporting the Dergthenian pedigree and 
migration. Somewhere near Kenmare they eventually overtook 
the hunted prince. All seemed lost but Eogan had won the love 
of ai goddess Eadaioin 59 who, like the greater goddess before Ilion, 
rescued her favourites. She made them and the rocks and pillar 
stones exchange shapes. The foe hacked till they broke their 
weapons (the Clock Barraige 60 is shown to this day in witness), 
but meanwhile the fugitives reached Inis Greccraige, the present 
Beare Island, in safety. Jn later days, in the reign of Eogan's 
son Oilioll, the Gregraige are found at Knockainey in S.E. Co. 
Limerick. 61 Having slain a hostile war goddess, or river goddess, 
the Badb Siomhna, the prince was sent to Spain, 62 found favour 
with a King, Eibhear, and won the love of his daughter Beara, 
(Mo Mera). Advised by a druid, she caught a wonderful salmon 
in the Eibhear, or Ebro, and made the brilliant cloak her lover 
wore. In the Lydney bronze of his patron Nuada a warrior 
catches a fish before the god 63 and one may suspect that in the 
older versions Nuada personally saved his foster son and the latter 
caught the salmon himself, at least the story of such an episode 
is as old as Roman rule in Britain. Eogan, returned after nine 
years, named the Island Beara after his wife, and landed at Dun 
Torcan or in Cealga Harbour, on the south shore, probably Lone- 
hort. 64 Eadaoin entertained him in her griandn, which is still corn- 

interpolated a note in one copy leading to its location at Leim Lara, 
near Killarney, which latter apparently the fugitives passed just before 
being overtaken. The enemy had time to ravage the country with fire 
and sword to Drung Hill before Eogan reached Mangerton, so Glenlara 
evidently lay far eastward. 

58 Now " Dane's Island/" Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxii, p. 219, pi. xx, and 
Journal, xxxv, p. 252. It is notable for an early copper mine, in which 
stone implements were found. 

59 See Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxiv, pp. 55, 165-8; She, Clidna, and Aine 
were " the three treasures of the Tuatha De." 

60 It is near the Owengarriff, or Roughty River, also anciently called 
Siomhna. As Macha, or Sinann, was at once a war goddess and a river 
one, so evidently was Siomhna. Ath Fuinnseon at Dromdaleague, Co. 
Cork, was named from her ashen yoke. For a view of the Cloch, see 
John Windele's Topog. of Cork, Kerry, &c. (MS. B. I. Acad., c. 12, 3), 
p. 57, " a druidical cube of limestone," 15 to 20 feet each way. The 
recurrence all over Ireland of rock names like Boughil and Fearbreaga 
show the popularity of such tales. 

61 For them, see " List of Aithech Tuatha " (Bev. Celt., xx, p. 336) and 
" Aine's History " (Silva Gad., ii, p. 50, n 3). 

62 Hardly in this place " the Celtic Hades/' but (unless the Ebro was 
named in the early " editions ") a casual " foreign country," like 
" Greece," " Hirualt," " Asia," &c. Names, like Hiberus, Iberus, and 
Iberius, occur in Gaulish inscriptions (Bev. Celt., xiii, pp. 310-311). 

63 " Roman remains at Lydney Park " (Rev. W. Bathurst, 1879), pi. 

ei Batt. of M. L., pp. 51, 2, 165, the last from the " Tochmarch Momera." 

Plate XIII] 

[To face page 151 


memorated in the chief townland name of Beare, where a trace 
of a, ring fort remains. Eogan was an experienced fort builder, I 
must note that Nuada Dearg brought his foster son, as a child, to 
see the building of a Eath at Magh Feimhin (elsewhere, Ailinn 
or Almhu). The work was done in sections, by gangs of 9 slaves. 
As so usual in our earthworks, a large rock was found in the drift 
clay, too heavy to remove. Eogan by main strength, after the 
gangs had failed, lifted it and placed it on the outer mound. 
Again in manhood, on the birth and " druidic baptism " of his 
famous son Ailill (Oilioll Aulom) he dug a court (dunad) in Ui 
Liathan (in Barrymore, Co. Cork) inventing " treadles " for the 
wooden spades used in the work and cutting down the trees on the 
sire, whence his by name " Fidfeecagh. " In fact one variant made 
him digger of the great escar or gravel mound across Ireland. 1 ' 5 
Soon after he forced his brother kings to recognise him as 
suzerain 66 and aid him against Conn, whom he forced to divide 
Ireland with him, whence the names Leth Chuinn and Leth 
Mogha, or Leth Nuadat, 67 which long outlasted! the treaty. Pro- 
bably his "Spanish" allies were slain or returned home and Eogan 
fell, after a gallant battle, a,ti Magh Lena near Tullamore and was 
buried along with his brother-in-law and a subordinate chief in 
three tumuli at a, sanctuary, or assembly, called Oenach Colmain 
Elo. 68 Beare Island does not figure again in the Saga of the 
Dergthene nor I think in their history. 

Another tale 69 as mythical and with far less suggestion of 
underlying fact (and possibly confusing Cian father of Lug with 
a son of Oilioll Aulom, 70 as another tale does Delbaoth an evident 
fire god whose sons spring from five flames) relates to the: Beare 

Tadg, son of Cian, " went on a circuit" and Cathmann, King 
of " Fresen," " lying over against Spain," came in nine ships 
to Baoi Beire, or Bearehaven, and carried off Tadg's wife Liban 

65 MS. B. I. Acad., 126, p. 245. In a glossary, MS., T.C.D., H. 2.6, an 
incorrigible pedant explains " Escir " from the Greek " Ciris " (Cheir), 
i.e., manus, " because it is not the work of hands." 

66 The " alternate succession " of the Dairfhine and Dergthine seems 
as mythical as that of the Eoghanacht and Dal Cais. See Bev. Celt., 
xxx, p. 392, for the division of Ireland. 

67 Battle of Magh Leana, d. 125; Leath Nuadat, p. 143; and Leabar 
Brecc, 216b; also Leth Moga Neth, a notable suggestion of a variant 
in which Mog Neid is the hero. 

68 Mr. Orpen's identification seems certain, Journal, xxxv, p. 34; see 
also Petrie's Bound Towers, pp. 97, 99. Rev. E. Hogan (Onomasticon 
Goedelicum, p. 523) notes mounds at Moylen, near Durrow; a grave of 
slabs with a skeleton and one with a single skull were opened, but, alas, 
no competent person was present. 

69 Silva Gad., ii, p 385. 

70 The strange tale of the " fire sons " and the horrible myth of the 
two worms need explanation. (See Hibbert Led., iv, pp. 392-3; Coir 
Anm., p. 359). For political affiliations see Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxm, 
p. 454 n and Preface to Duanaire Finn, p. xxxix. 


and his brothers, Airnelach and Eogan. Tadg escaped and 
organised a rescue party. After many weird adventures, " on the 
foam of perilous seas, in fairy lands forlorn," visitting uncharted 
islands (one covered with giants' bones and huge sheep) they 
passed through shoals of fish and seals 71 to Cesair's Island. 
There, in a golden dun, he found Clidna, child of Genann, of the 
Tuatha De Danarm 72 from whom the wave of Glandore is called 
" Tonn Clidna." With her aid he found his brothers gathering 
firewood and rowing a ferry, suprised Gathmann in his dun and, 
after the usual slaughter, recovered Liban. She had retained 
her love for Tadg, under most untoward fortunes, so the party 
returned joyously to Baoi Bearre and lived happy ever after. 

Names and History of Beare. 

The name is Berre, Beirre, " Beire of Dun Bui in Corca Laigde," 
and is propably pre-Celtic. 73 A prehistoric battle, " Oath Berri 
Bruce," was won by Conmaol King of Munster, over Sil Eremoin 
and the Aes m Berri (Ui hEidersceoil), the victor was slain " in 
B.C. 1491 " 74 by a son of Tighemmais and is connected with a 
mound south of 6enach Maeha. 75 Some regard Berramain, 
Luaichair-Fellabair, and the Ouellabori of Ptolemy's map as forms 
of the samei name, as Beare, buti the first lay far northward above 
Tralee. 76 Caeilte sings of " fish of the briny sea from the coasts 
of Buie and Beara;" 77 as we saw, " Bui was applied to the Bull 
Rock in the portolan maps after 1450. 78 The Synod of Rathbreasail 
(1112) gives the South limit of the diocese of Ratass (Rath Deis- 
ceart) as a line " from Baoi Bearra to Ceann m Beara " (Beare- 
haven to Kenmare) and the Papal Taxation of 1302 calls the 
deanery " Boerry " and gives its parishes, Kilcomegragh (Killaco- 
nenagh 79 the Cauocanena of the portolans) and Kilcateryn. Beare 
appears in the Annals of 778, 794 and 865. In the first year 
Bresten, Chief of the Corca Loedge, defeated Fergal King of 
Desmond and died 794, his son Maelbrachta, chief of Corca Loegde, 
died 798, when there was great loss of men and cattle and much 
snow. In the next 700 years we find only the name on the 

71 At the east mouth of Bearehaven are the seal rocks, Koancarrick, 
one with a lighthouse. I only saw one seal on this part of the coast. 

72 Recte, " of the Firbolg " (First Bottle of Mag Tured, Eriu, viii, p. 
15). Note the phrase " champions of Clidna " in " Battle of Magh 
Leana." See, also, Proc. II. I. Acad., xxxiv, pp. 55, 168. 

73 Onomasticon Goedelicum, pp. 98, 113. 
^Keating's Hist. (Ir. Texts Soc), ii, pp. 120, 121. 

75 Todd Led., Ser. iii, p. 159. 

76 " Find and the Phantoms " (Rev. Celt., vii, p. 295). 

77 Silva Gadelica, ii, p. 119. 

78 Proc. R. I. Acad., xxx, p. 413. 

79 A horribly " neglected spot," the side walls a few feet high, the ends 
levelled, skulls taken out of the vaults and tombs and placed in rows — 
a disgrace to the district. 


portolans, from 1336, " Bire," " Biri " and corrupt forms 
" Leri," " Caur, " and Brerel. O Huidrin, with his usual conser- 
vatism', places there " O hEidersceoil of Bearra the good, over 
Bearra of the salmon-full border. The Harbour of Baoi . . . 
is under his extensive fleet of wine." The O'Driscolls had pro- 
bably been supplanted by the O'Sullivans. The wine accounts for 
its importance to foreign traders and their maps. The Ui Eacach 
or " Ivagha " extended to Kenmare River in early times. 80 
They, perhaps, pushed the Clanna Degaid north of that estuary, 
as the " Maqi Deceddas " ogham pillar suggests, but they them- 
selves came from the inland Kinelea (Cineal Aodha). The 
O'Sullivans 81 were descendants of Mog Nuadat and Beara, they, 
with the O'Connells and 'Donovans, 82 were dislodged from Co. 
Limerick and from the district near Knockgraff an ; they retired into 
the Killarney Mountains and the Carbery district, and then, aided 
by their MacCarthy 83 kinsmen, reduced the tribes in southern 
Kerry, Beare and Bantry, in the decades before 1200', it is said. 
The tribe eventually divided under two chiefs, O'Sullivan Mor and 
O 'Sullivan Beare: the latter was bound to entertain MacCarthy 
Mor at Dunboy, and to aid him in the chief employment of the 
Munster gentry (when not at war) — hunting. I need not lengthen 
this study by their early history, but may give the " folk 
■etymology " of their name Ua Suilleabain from suit eye. Eochu 
their ancestor, was asked by a druid for his eyes (as in the Loch 
Dearg legend) and tore them out to give them to him, but St. 
Ruadan of Lorrha prayed, and the druid 's eyes flew out and rooted 
in the chief's head. 84 Nor need I give their descent, for till the late 
15th century they do not seem to have built any of the existing 
remains. Diarmuid (son of Tadg, son of Amhlaib), living 1474, 85 
built Castle Dermot in Castletown, and perhaps its sister Castle. 
His successor, Domnall, died 1485; the earl of Desmond slew 
Philip (son of Diarmaid), the chief and his son Tadg. Diarmaid, son 
of Domnall (note the alternate succession) " paid bardic bards and 
pilgrims, the learned and ollamhs of Ireland " and died 1533. I 
must later on refer to the taking of the Castles of Dorsey and 
Dunboy, apart from which the most interesting episode, the 

80 Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxiv, pp. 159, 163. 

81 1 have an isolated note on Maur. O'Sowlevan of Slevyndylle, Co. 
■Cork, Plea Rolls, No. 27, An. xiii. Edw. II, m. 19. 

82 In 1176 (Annals Inisfallen), by King Domnall O'Brien, the others 
about 1190, by the Normans. Also supra, xl, pp. 287-8 

83 See " Lordship of Mac Carthy Mor/ 5 by Professor W. F. Butler, 
Journal, xxxvi, pp. 358, 361-7. 

84 I may refer to the following articles in the Cork Hist, and Archaeol. 
Journal, i (1892), Mortough Oge, pp. 95-123. Pedigree in Herald's Office, 
p. 279, gives " Anne ny Lacken O'S first Lord of Bear," and some 9 
generations to 1619. Ser. ii, vol. iv, " coming of O'Sullivans," pp. 119, 
120. The " eye legend," p. 122 (also i, p. 96). 

85 He is mentioned by Finghin O'Driscoll in the list of contemporary 
■chiefs in the Irish version of Sir John de Maundeville's Travels. 


history of Puxley and Morty Sullivan, lies outside my object. 86 
Nor) can I touch upon the history of the noble harbour, with its 
memories of Baei, Beara and Eadaoin, and of the fleets of 
Eogan Taidleach, Cathmann, Carew, Hoche and Von Tirpitz. 

Topographical Sources. 

I must as briefly as possible give some notes on the records of 
its topography. The Fiants 87 give us entries relating to Bear 
Beary, Biarre, Biary, and Byarry. Owen O Swillyvan of Byary 
knight (alias O'S. Byarry) is named in 1573; Dermot Endange 
Solovan of Biary and Donogh Y' Ghoghegane (I presume a rela- 
tion of Richard the defender of Dunboy) in 1577. We see a shadow 
of the victory of the Earl of Desmond in 1498 in a headrent of £20, 
payable to " the Rebel Earl," by Sir Owin of Dunboy, little else. 
The most helpful Inquisition 88 dates August 26 th . 1618. Owen 
Swlivan of Downeboy 89 alias Beerhaven, Esq re , held (with many 
other lands) Ross McOwen with Greynane, Conoghlin and Dun- 
crey, on the island; settled by Sir Ovinus on his wife Ellen 
" Cartey." A mortgage, September 2nd, 1591, by Sir Ovinus and 
his son, the above Ovinus, on Whyddey, als Whedeis Island, and 
lands vills and ports as Ballincollo, in Durseys, Kylkatherine and 
Eyries, Ballydangan, Ballaghbruge, als Ballaghcallagh, Bally- 
caslane (Castletown Beare), which, with Dyrrycovane, was granted 
by Queen Elizabeth, Glangarewff 90 and Terrkilme hillock, or Caher- 
garriff. Of the rents, many are paid in kind, " methers of flour, 
lumps of butter, oats, sheep" 20 pil butiri in Auc (tumno), 20 in 
Somer," &c. Owen enfeoffed the castle and lands of Downeboy e 
alias Beerhaven to Tadeus MacCormac " Cartey " for use of Ellena. 
A grant of Ap. 13th, 1608, gives Caherdonyly to Edward Avenall 
for 30 years. Ovinus died Aug. 31st., 1616. His son and heir 
was Dermitius, aged 21, and married to a daughter of the late Earl 
of Desmond. Ovinus of Aghie claimed succession to 5 gnyves of 
land and owed for long timber for building the castle, and also nests 
of hawks. 

86 For the true history see a valuable paper (supra, xxiv, pp. 35, 39) by 
A. J. Fetherstonhaugh, a most promising historian, who, unfortunately, 
died while his essay was in press. There is a popular account of 
Mortough O'Sullivan in Dublin Penny Journal, 1833-4, pp. 290-2. See 
also T. D. O'Sullivan's " Bantry, Berehaven, and the O'Sullivans," and 
Capt. T. Keogh's " Short Account of the History and Antiquities of Bere 
Island and Berehaven." 

87 Elizabeth, Nos. 3,339, 3,554, 4,677, 4,792, 5,612, 5,801, 5,889, 6,511, 6,515, 
6,539, 6,576, and especially 3,253 and 5,104. 

88 Chancery, Jas. I, No. 43, and Exch., No. 46, of xv, Jas. I. 

89 Some have copied this " Townetroy " and endeavoured ingeniously 
to explain it. 

90 Inq., 434, Ap. 13, 1637, Inq. 526, Daniel Boy Mac Mortagh (Moriher- 
tagh) O Swylyvane of Leytrym, held 16 gneeves in Glanegarruff. A 
gneeve is a twentieth part of a townland. Some 24 places bear the name 
in Cork and Kerry. 


In 1602 we get more picturesque accounts by Carew 91 and his 
staff of Beare and its district. " Bearehaven is an excellent har- 
borough, a narrow entry, slack tides, good anchorage, places fit 
to ground ships, in deep and evermore smooth waters, five fadomes 
deep at low water ... of capacitie sufficient to contain all 
the ships of Europe. . . . The coast yeelds such abundance 
of sea fish as few places in Christendom do the like." The fishery 
dues, though light, brought £500 per annum to Sullivan. It 
was a resort of fishermen of all nations. In 1655 92 there were two 
O Sullivans Beare — Daniel of Bollaghbuye, Cloghfooan and Beare 
Haven and Philip, of Loghanebegg, in Beare, and Killomenoge, 
in Muntravery, across Bantry Bay. Hungry Hill was owned by 
Daniel O 'Sullivan. 

In 1673 a nameless writer says that South Kerry and Beare 
" had been laid waste for many years, so that it was death for any 
man, woman or child to be seen in it ' ' — all our records show that 
this is a gross, open, and palpable falsehood. It is given by Sir 
John Gilbert (more suo without telling where it exists), and he mis- 
takenly applies it to all Kerry, as Miss Hickson shows. 93 Another 
witness, with a different bias, mentions " the high and horned hills 
of Desmond, which St. Patrick did not think worth blessing." 
Wild scenery had then few admirers. Carew describes the lovely 
Mangerton as " a most hideous and uncouth mountaine," and Sir 
Richard Cox (1695-1710) says of Beare, " two of the O 1 ' Sullivans 
who are of the best Irish blood, glory in taking their distinguishing 
titles from this scabby country." 94 Cox, however, speaks in praise 
of " one of the best harbours in the world. " 

In June, 1701, we have an account by Dive Downs, Bishop of 
Cork, 95 one of the few prelates at that time who realised that a 
bishop was an " overseer." He visited all the wild nooks of his 
diocese during two years, and that in no narrow spirit. He notes 
100 of the arbutus or cane apple trees, called in Irish ' apples- 
cahannagh " 96 on Daad O Huologhan, or Hungry Hill, 97 and de- 
scribes the bushes at some length; " O Sullivan Beere lives in a 
cabin at the foot "; Dunboy or Beerehaven Castle (Castle 
Dermot) was " made into a fort in Cromwell's time." He saw the 

91 Cal. Carew Manuscripts (1601-3), p. 255; Pacata Hibernia, Hi, ch. x. 

92 Booh of Distribution and Survey, Cork, pp. 112, 113, 193. 

93 Supra, xv, pp. 573-4n. Gilbert's Contemp. Hist, of Affairs in 

u Journal, xxxii, pp. 353, 360, for Beare; Pacata Bib., iii, eh. v, for 

95 Cork Hist, and Arch. Journal, xv, pp. 163-5. 

96 An interesting description in Desmond Boll, 1584, is given by Mr. 
M. J. McEnery, supra, xxxvi, p. 133. The Tuatha De are said to have 
fed on the berries of the arbutus and the quicken. 

97 Knockday (Cnoc Deade) in Irish, " Knockhoie," in Speed's Map; 
" Hungry Hill," 1655, in Down Survey Map; " Deed," Locha Deade, &c, 
in Windele, M.S. B. I. Acad., 12 C. 3, 12 J. 10, p. 883, 1849. 


chapel of BallinkiHy on Beerhaven Island, 98 as he sailed past in 
a hooker, and visited the ruined churches of Kilkatierin and Killa- 
coneena, near Dunboy, which last should be repaired, for " there 
is no church nearer than Bantry." 

Mr. Wallis had the Croomhalla iron works near Kil(na)- 
mannah; Oghigianig was patron saint of Killaghaneenah. We 
saw several eagles upon the lands of Beerehaven, and there are 
many wolves 99 there. Twenty mine nets were worked in Bantry 
Bay, each paying 40s. ; two boats and 15 men worked each net, 
and Col. Beecher opposed the tithes of fish. 

The last titular O 1 Sullivan Beare (" D.," I presume Daniel) 
must b,e mentioned. He was held in such high esteem that he was 
the first Roman Catholic freeman of Cork since Queen Anne's reign 
and Captain of the Loyal Infantry . In 1796 he mustered 200 
peasants, and removed all provisions out of reach of the French 
fleet, capturing a Lieutenant and boat's crew; his own boat, worth 
£300, was sunk. He was presented with a handsome sword by 
the citizens of Cork, and died unmarried in March, 1814. 100 

John Windele, 101 in an attempt to reach Skellig in 1840, to 
examine its alleged ogmic inscriptions, came to Castletown, in 
execrable weather and with an uncongenial companion, A. Abell, 
who drank too much and used to get sick both on the " hooker 
and on horse-back. As a result, the notes are of small value, and 
the stormy weather sent them " weather-beaten back " from 
Dorsey to Castletown. Dunboy Castle was a small earthwork, 
with a choked ditch, and two parallel walls, 15 or 16 feet high. 
Kilcatiei'in was named from the figure of a cat in iron ! A druidical 
circle lay a mile north of Castletown. The castle at the latter was 
reduced to its foundations to build salt works, but his later sketch 
shows that part was still standing. " The Deade Lakes," Locha 
Deadha, were on Hungry Hill, Loch a modoolig there, in Coom a 
doolig, " has a piast, or enchanted eel, he issues from its waters 
when it freezes and is heard roaring fearfully, but he does no harm. " 
Murphy (O Sullivan) of Inch was the last descendant of Murthy 

98 Windele gives a sketch plan, " taken about 1840 an oblong build- 
ing, with a south wing, or perhaps sacristy, in line with the east gable 
(Topog., Cork W. and N. E., 12 J. 10. p. 863). 

99 Brian Townsend, Sovereign of Clonakilty, is said to have slain the 
last wolf in Co. Cork at Kilcrea (Cork H. and A. Journal, xiv, p. 193), 
but they survived till 1760 in S. W. Co. Limerick, and (it is said) even 
later at Feakle, Co. Clare. Windele gives a wolf story of the Androcles 
type, about a grateful were wolf, in Slieve Luachra (12 J. 10, p. 333). 

100 Gentleman's Magazine, 1815. 

B. I. Acad., " Cork, Kerry, &c." (12 C. iii, pp. 11-17); Topog. 
Co. Cork, W. & N. E. (12 J. 10, pp.864-903). His view of Castle Dermot 
in last, p : 907; of Kilkaterin, pp. 892-3; of Faunkill Ogham, pp. 895, 903, 
the last was drawn for him 26 July, 1856. It was first pointed out to 
Windele by Rev. T. Olden. Another informant, Andrew O'Keeffe, told 
him of a number of Oghams, all apparently mythical. The Eev. James 
Fampston made the early copy; neither is very accurate. 


oge, shot by Capt. Mark in 1815. In a later visit with his son, 
Thomas P. Windele, in 1849, he was able to see and note more — 
the island and its dolmen ; Kilcaterin and the ' ' Iron cat ' ' ; the 
ogmic inscription at Cuilcagh (Faunkill) and lists of pillars and 
circles. Of Deade, Knockdeade or Hungry Hill, he says the Irish 
name means " angry " or " jealous." High up it is a passage at 
a, tree where an Donovan hanged an O Sullivan for cattle-steal- 
ing, and a colabriac which opens and throws out sand. A labourer 
called to the supernatural lady in it to send food to him and his 
fellows : it was supplied, but though they feasted, he refused to 
eat, with fatal consequences. Only the foundations and a bartizan 
•of the castle remained in Castletown. 

Antiquities in Be are. 

This section must be regarded as merely tentative ; the peninsula 
calls for long and systematic research for remains and folk lore. 
On my short visit I was impressed by the contrast between the 
silence of the peasantry on such subjects, and the liberal informa- 
tion given in Kerry, Clare, and Connacht, without prompting, 
almost without asking. The " traditions " which I found are 
most valueless, and, I suspect, very modern. " Hungry Hill " 
(so called before 1655) was " named by the Sappers, working on it 
in 1840, because supplies failed to reach them one day." The old 
Telegraph Tower (or, by a variant, the old Lighthouse) on the 
Island is the " Princess Beara's Tower," Greenaun was her palace, 
Beara's grave pillar is at the keel of Keelmaekeowen, 102 and we 
have a. very bowdlerised version of the Baoi and Core legend. 103 All 
evidently spring from casual talks with tourists and schoolmasters. 
Search for real traditions should, of course, be conducted most 
cautiously, without leading questions and with " checking ver- 
sions " from people, not present when the tale was first told. 
Unlike most other places, the patron saints, and even the church 
names, are apparently not to be found. The most marked feature 
in the archaeology is the great number of pillar stones, or galldns, 
recalling Eadaoin's magic deceptions. Beside the place names, 
Knocknagallaun and Aitogallaun, I have noted nearly 30 pillars 
(some in line) and two circles. The finest of all is the ogmic pillar 
at Ballycrovane Harbour, in " Faunkill and the woods," 17£ feet 
high. There are two fine standing stones on Beare Island, one 
10 feet high a,t Coomastooka, another and two stumps up the slope 
to the S.W. of Ballinakilla School at Binnagh; two stumps near 

102 Beara, so far as the legends tell, did not reside in Beare. Her son 
was born far inland, and her husband's residence was on Magh Feimhin, 
in Co. Tipperary. 

103 Several of these are noted in Capt. T. M. Keogh's Short Account of 
the History and Antiquities of Beare Island and Berehaven (Bourne- 
■■mouth), pp. 6-12— a very helpful pamphlet, 


the road eastward from the school, and a fallen one, 8| feet long, 
on the hill above Shee Head. Round Castletown, we find two on 
its very skirts to the west, the eastern 11 feet by 18 inches by 16 
inches, the western in a grove is 9 feet by 8 inches by 5 inches. To 
the north of the town, and west from the cemetery, in Foildanig, 
are a tall pillar, with two stumps eastward. Four are in Clonglashan 
on the S. slope of MisMsh, two tall pillars and two stumps east- 
ward : two more lie farther westward near the stream in Fanaghy ; 
one in Crompane near the old road to Allihies over the ridge. Under 
Hungry Hill we have Darriheendermot pillar, in Commons, and 
three at Curraduff near Rossmackeowen. A very fine one is on 
a ridge, above Knockroe school and another in the valley ; one in 
Gour at the curve of the main road above Pulleen Lakes ; two (or 
three) at Urlin, near Caherkeen; four and a stone cross round Keel- 
mackeowen. R. Downing 's list, 104 given to Windele in 1849, men- 
tions a gullaun near " Tuoloeragh " (Keeloge) ; Deroura (between 
Gowlane and Keelmackeowen), near the south end of Caheravart 
(where is a notable ring wall, with a cemetery and stone) called, 
I think, " Bufnckil altar and fort of stone," 105 in this list;. 

Of the stone circles of Ardgroom and Derreenataggart, Mr. 
Henry Saxton Crawford describes and illustrates in our Journal 106 
the stone circle there called Canfea. It is 25 feet in diameter and 
well preserved, consisting of 9 stones, from 4i feet to 6| feet high. 
The other circle, of which I give a plan and photographs 
in part II. of this paper, is 27 feet across inside. It, 
too, has 9 standing stones, the highest 7 feet 9 inches. 
I show on the plan the dimensions of the chief stones. It 
commands a most lovely view of Castletown, the Haven and the 
Mountains, standing behind Harbourview House. 107 There is no 
ring fort (I think) of exceptional interest or preservation; Capt. 
Keogh mentions forts near Eyeries. I did not see any of these, nor 
are they marked on the maps. Beside the Caheravart ring wall 
there are others — one, Lisnagat, near the road, and another on 
Dromard ridge, near Ardgroom Harbour; one in Leehanemore, 
much defaced, but with good facing inside to the S.W. ; one near 
Knockroe school; and Caherkeen (Caherquinn, 1655). Others are. 
in Drom North, between Dunboy and Castletown; at Thornhill, 
south of Hungry Hill ; and in Greenaun on Beare Island. Another, 
called Killeenagh Gobbeen, there, and Caherphuca. I know only 
of the names Caher, Cahermeelebo (Cahermelabo 1655). Caher- 
garriff, Greenaun, Ballydangan, Dooneen and Dangan. The 
records give a few more — Duncrey 1591, and Cahercroagh 1655. 
besides Caherquin, Cahermelabo, Cahergarrirf, and others. 

ioi Topog. Cork W. & N. E., p. 855. 

105 R. Soc. Anil. Ir., xxxv, pp. 171-2. 106 Ibid., pp. 171-3. 
107 It can be reached by a most picturesque old laneway and a foot- 
bridge of 2 slabs with a dry stone pier. 


Of the promontory forts (as we shall see) only Doonagh, the 
two Dooneens, Doonroe (on Blackball Head 108 ), Doonagall, or 
Doonigar, and Doonbeg, on Beare Island, have specific names. 

Of the many ogmic inscriptions reported to Windele only four 
are known to exist — the utterly defaced one in Derreenataggart 
plantation, beside the road west from Castletown, the perfect one 
at Faunkill ; the third is in Gour on the road west from Castletown, 
up the spur, where it turns southward towards the sea. It is a 
slate slab, 7 feet high by 2 feet 3 inches by 7 inches. On the left 
angle (farthest from the road) is the word " Cari," very finely 
scribed. A fourth, the Kilcaskin church pillar, 109 lies at Adrigoole, 
far beyond our limit, and reads " Luguqrit (ti maqi addi) lonas." 
"We shall have more to note of the Faunkill menhir. 110 

Of dolmens, I hear that a fallen one stands where the map 
marks two pillars. Windele mentions that on Beare Island, 
of which we shall say more in its place. He mentions 
f' druidical " stones, evidently natural boulders and rocking stones. 
One is at Cloch Barraigh; one between Castletown and Eossmack- 
eowen, and others near Glengarriff*, at Caha Mountain, and at 
Reenmeen near Cromwell's Bridge, but with these my paper is not 

(To be continued.) 

108 The coast nomenclature (at least the English names) is equally 
childish. Inept names from animals abound — Hog's, Lamb's, Dog's, 
Cod's, Crow, and Sheep's Head, or ones like Toe Head, Mizen, Horn, and 
Galley Heads. Most were probably given by sailors. Myssen, Sheep's 
and Cod's Heads are as old as the Maps 1590-1610, on which Speed's is 

109 Windele heard of this but could not find it (Topog. Co, Cork W. & 
N. E., pp. 873 and 887). " Mr. Wright, too, said there was none." 

110 Ogham Inscribed Monuments of the Gaedhil (R. Eolt Brash, 1879), 
p. 127, pi. vii; Ogham Inscriptions (Sir S. Ferguson, 1887), p. 103; 
Studies in Irish Epigraphy, iii, p. 47 (R. A. Macalister). Paper in 
Proc. B. I. Acad., xxvii, pp. 339 and 349 (J. MacNeill). John Windele 
first notes it, but relies on the sketch of a correspondent, R. E. Windele, 
1856 (MS. 12 J. 10, B. I. Acad., pp. 895-918). Deche, Deda, or Dega (ancient 
" Decent," cf., " Arx Decentorum " in Britain) was an ancestral god, 
giving his name to Loch — Sliab — and Gleann Dechet (see Proc. B. I. 
Acad., xxxiv, p. 159). The Clann Dedad are said to have migrated to 
Munster temp. Eochaid Airem and to have been confirmed in their new 
lands about b.c. 137 by Eochu Feidlioch, Queen Medb's father. 



By E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a., Vice-President , and 
Professor R. A. S. Macalister, litt.d., Fellow. 

[Read 24 February 1920]. 

The wooden book with indented and waxed leaves was acquired 
by the National Museum in 1914 from Mr. W. Gregg, of " The 
Beeches," Clough, Go. Antrim. Mr. Gregg has written an 
account of his discovery of the book. His communication, dated 
29th November, 1919, is as follows : — 

" Your letter to hand to-day. Re wooden Psalm Book purchased 
from me in 1914, I may say that the name Springmount Bog is 
only a local name. The bog where I dug up the book is in the 
townland of Bally hi therland, or hutherland, I am not certain which 
is correct. This bog lies within half a mile of the historic village of 
Clough (Co. Antrim), and 7 miles north of Ballymena. Less than 
half a mile from the bog is the site of a very ancient monastery in 
the townland of Drumakeely. This monastery, which is mentioned 
in more than one Irish history, stood on the bank of the Clough 
river beside a ford which it is supposed was used by travellers 
between Carrie kfergus, Shane's Castle, and Dunluce Castle. Bally - 
hutherland bog is one of a chain of bogs which extends for about 
4 miles, and covers an area of over 1,000 acres. On the banks of 
Ballyhutherland bog a number of remains of a landing stage have 
been discovered. These include some dug-out canoes and paddles, 
a number of wooden tubs, and a number of flint implements. With 
regard to the book, I may say that I found it when cutting turf, 
at the depth of four feet in the upper or brown strata of bog. Since 
then the lot and other surrounding lots have been all cut away, 
without anything being found of this nature. Hoping the above 
details may be of use to you." 

The book, which is shown closed in figure 1, measures 8 J inches 
in length, and 3 inches in breadth ; it has a depth of 1| inches. It 
is composed of six leaves, each about J of an inch thick. Professor 
A. Henry, f.l.s., m.r.i.a., examined the leaves, and is of opinion 

Plate XIV] 

[To face page 160 


that the wood from which they were made is yew. It agrees 
well in external appearance with a piece of bog-yew from Clonad 
in King's County ; and a microscopical examination of a minute 
fragment showed it to be similar in structure to yew. 

The leaves, which are grooved out about ^ 6 th of an inch, leaving 
a margin of about J-f of an inch all round, are waxed and inscribed 
on both sides, with the exception of the two outer leaves ; these are 
waxed on the inner side only. Each leaf is pierced with two holes 
on the upper side ; the apertures being respectively 1 J inches, and 
J of an inch, from the ends. A tongue of leather was passed through 
these holes to keep the leaves in position. Leather bands, of which 
one only remains, were apparently placed round each end of the 
book. To these was attached a strap to enable the book to be slung 
round the shoulders of the person who carried it. The strap, which 
is f of an inch broad, is now broken into two pieces. The larger 
portion measures 29 inches ; to it is attached a tongue of leather 
2 inches long for insertion into the pierced leaves. The smaller 
strap is 18 J inches in length ; the band attached to it, which passed 
over the end of the closed book, measures 3§- by 2 inches ; it is f of 
an inch wide. The leather appears to have been stitched with 
waxed cord. 

The excellent condition of the wooden leaves and the appearance 
of the leather straps do not suggest that the book belongs to an 
early date. It may, however, go back as far as the mediaeval 

To treat generally the subject of writing tablets with a view 
of establishing a comparison with those found at Springmount 
would carry us too far. But those desirous of pursuing the subject 
may consult the elaborate paper by Prof. T. M'Kenny Hughes in 
ArcJiceologia (vol. lv. p. 257), which has special reference to tablets 
of mediaeval date, and includes a bibliography of the subject to 
which may be added Mr. J. G. Waller's description of the 
"tabella " found at Blythburgh, Suffolk, in the Proceedings of the 
Society of Antiquaries of London (vol. xix, p. 40). 

E. C. R. A. 

The writing begins on the verso of tablet I, and continues to 
the recto of tablet VI. It is in a good clear hand, wherever the state 
of the wax permits us to read it at all ; and there are from eight 
to ten lines on each page. On tablet I, verso, these lines run right 
across the page ; but on the remaining pages they are divided into 
two columns, separated by a roughly -drawn stroke. 


The writing is so arranged that the reader starts from the outer 
long edge of the verso page in a single opening, and reads continuously 
through to the outer long edge of the recto page of the following 
tablet. In other words, the top of the writing is on the hinge side 
of the recto pages, on the outer side opposite the hinge of the verso 

The writing on tablet I, verso, is all fairly legible, except in the 
middle, where a block of wax from tablet II, recto, has adhered. 
This has destroyed the corresponding place in tablet II, recto ; the 
ends of the lines of the second column are also difficult to read on 
this page, owing to the decomposition of the wax. Tablet II, verso, 
is obscured in its upper left-hand corner by a block of wax torn 
from tablet III, recto ; and the lowermost lines are completely gone, 
the wax being decomposed and scraped away almost (here and there 
quite) to the wooden backing. Tablet III, recto, has the upper part 
of the wax quite destroyed on the right-hand side, so that the 
opening lines of the first column cannot be recovered. The second 
column is tolerably legible, though it is doubtful if anyone could 
decipher its upper lines with assurance unless he knew what to look 
for. Tablet III, verso, on the other hand, is almost in perfect 
order ; the upper left-hand corner has been torn off by adhesion to 
tablet IV, recto, and there are a few small detriments besides, but 
practically the whole page can be read easily. Tablet IV, recto, 
would be undecipherable, except for the last few lines of the second 
column, if the text were unfamiliar ; but most of it can be traced 
when the words are known. Tablet IV, verso, is much decayed ; 
only a few scattered letters can be made out. The same is true 
to an even greater extent in the two faces of tablet V and the recto 
of tablet VI ; the wax is decayed and the writing beyond h; pe. 

The text contains Psalm xxx (Vulgate enumeration, Hebrew and 
English Authorised Version xxxi) and xxxi ( =xxxii English version). 
Presumably the destroyed surfaces bore Psalm xxxii ( =xxxiii) ; 
and something that looks like uocijeratione in column i of tablet IV, 
verso, and congregans in column ii of the same, accords with this ; 
these words occur in verses 3 and 7 respectively of the psalm in 
question. But to decipher this part of the writing further is im- 
possible. I therefore confine myself to transcribing Psalms xxx- 
xxxi, which occupy from tablet I, verso, to tablet IV, recto. 

A blank is sometimes, but net aiways, left at the end of a verse 
of the psalter when this comes before the end of a line of writing. 
The irregularity in this respect makes stichometry difficult if not 
impossible in the more injured parts of the book. 

Plate XV] 

[To face page 163 

Tablets III — Verso, and IV — Recto (about f). 



In the following transcript I have added for reference the numbers 
of the psalms and verses. A vertical stroke denotes the endj-of a 
line, a double stroke ( || ) the end of a column. Words which are 
•decipherable, however faintly, are printed in italics ; words which 
cannot be deciphered, but which we may presume to-Jiave been 
written, are printed in ordinary type. Words and letters v which 
the scribe has omitted are enclosed within angled brackets^ <>. 
'The contractions which occur (dne, etc.) are retainepL. 


^ t > 


1. in te dne <$>peraui non confundar in eternum in iustitia 

tua | libera me 

2. inclina ad me aurem tuam adcelera ut eruas me | esto milii in 

dm protectorem et in domum refugii ut saluum me facias \ 

3. quoniam fortitude- men, et refugium meum es tu et propter nomen | 
tuum deduces me et inutries me 

4. educes me de laqueo <h>oc quern abscon] derunt mihi • quoniam 

tu es protector meus v % 

5. in manus tuas dne se \ commendo spm meum redimisti me do mine 

deus ueritatis | ; 

( 6. odisti obseruantes uanetates supervacue ego am [ = autt-m, inserted 
above line] in dno speravi t >r . .... 


7. exultabo et £e<ta>6or in misericordia tua\\ quoniam resp>exsisti 

humilitatem meam | saluasti di nicissitatibus animam meam | 

8. nec conclusisti me in manibus inimici | statuisti in loco spatioso 

pedes meos | 

9. miserere me<i> dne quom&m tribulor | contur<ba,>tus est 

in ira oculus meus | anima mea et uenter meus , , , II 

10. quoniam defecit in dolove uita mea | et anni mei in gemitibus \ 

infirmata est in -p^upertate uirtus mea | et ossa mea conturbata 

11. super omnis inimicos meos | f actus sum obprobrium \ et uicinis 

meis ualde et timor \ notis meis qui uidebant me \ foras 
fugerunt a me \ 

12. obliuioni datus sum , , , 



" tamquam mortuus a corde | factus sum tanqu&m uas perditum \ 

13. quoniam audim uituperationem multorum \ Qomrnoi&ntium in 

taVcuitu in eo dum conuenirent simul aduersum me | accipere 
animam meam consiliati sunt 

14. ego am | in te speraui dne dixi deus metis es tu | 

15. in manibus tuis sortes mee eripe me de manu | inimiccrum. 

meorum et a persequentibus me || 

16. inlostra fuciem tuam super j seruum tuum 1 saluum me fac in 

miseri [ cordia tua 

17. dne nec confondar [quoniam uocaui te \ erubescant impii et 

dfeducantur | in inferniim 

18. muta fiant | labia dolosa que loquentur | aduersus iustum 

iniquitatem | in superbia et in abusione 


19. quam magna inultitudo dulcedinis tua dne quam | abscondisti 

timentibus te joerfecisti eis qui | sperant in te in conspectu 
filiorum hominiim | 

20. abscondes eos in abscondito faciei tue ] aconturbationehominum 

proteges eos in tabernaewfo \tuo a contradictione linguarnm 
2 J . benedictus dns \ quoniam mirificam'f misericordiam suam mihi 
in | ciuitate munitci 

22. eogo [sic] am dixi in excessti || mentis mee proiectus sum a facie \ 

oculorum tuorum ideo exaudisti uocem orationis mee | dum- 
clamarem ad te 

23. diiigete oms sancti dm | quoniam ueritatem requiret dns | et 

• 7-7 I <ig an t 

retnouit his qui nabundant in 

1 | superuiam * 

24. liiriliter agite | et confortitur cor uestrum \ omnes 2 qui speratis 

in dno 



1. beati quorum remise sunt iniquitates | et quorum tecta sunP 

peccata | 

2. beatus uir cui non inpotauit dns peccatum | wee est in sjm eius 


3. quoniam t<i&>cui in \ ueteraverunt in me ossa mea dum claraa | - 

rem tota die 

1 Omitted and afterwards inserted above the line. 

2 The m of omnes is written inside the o here and in Ps. xxxi, 11. 


4. quoniam die ac node | gravata est super me mantis tua conuersus 

sum in eromna mea | dum configitur mihi spina \\ 

5. dilectum [sic] meum cognitum tibi feci | et inius<,ti>tiam 

meam non abscodi \ dixi confitebor aduersus [sic] me <iniusti- 
tiam meam domino > et | <tu> rimisisti impietatem peccati 

6. pro hac orabit ad te omnis scs in | tempore oportuno \ verum- 

tamen tn [sic] dilio aquarum multarum aam [sic] non 
<&ip>proximabunt \ 

7. tu es rejugium meum 


a tribulatione que circumdedit me | e^wltatio mea erue me a 
circumdantibus me | 

8. intellectum tibi dabo et wstruam te | in uia <h>ac qua 

gradiexis firmabo super | te oculos meos 

9. nolite fieri sicut equus et mulus \ quibus non est intellectus in 

camo et fre| no m&xillas eorum constringe \ qui non ap~ 
proximant ad te 

10. multa | flagella peccatoris || sperantem autem in | dno miserir 

cordia | circumdabit | 

11. letam<>\>ni in dno | et exultate iusti | et gloriamini \ omnes 

recti corde 

I leave to specialists in that very difficult subject, the critical 
study of the Latin versions of the Bible, the task of commenting 
on the text. I must content myself with the following amateurish 

I have collated the above text of the two psalms with an edition 
of the Vulgate published at Louvain in 1788. 

The following variae lectiones are to be noted :— 

Ps. xxx 5. dne se [? sancte] not in printed text. The Old Latin 
version has here in manibus tuis commendo domine spiritum meum: 

Ps. xxx 17. dne nec confondar. In printed text, Domine non 
confundar which is also the reading of the Old Latin. For uocaui 
the printed text has inuocaui. This is likewise Old Latin. 

Ps. xxx 23. Here the scribe's memory seems to have failed him. 
The verse should begin Diligite Dominum omnes sancti eius. In 
the latter part, the Old Latin here reads et retribuit his qui 
abundanter faciunt superbias (v.l. superbiam). The Vulgate Version 
is et retribuet abundanter facientibus superbiam. The text before 
us seems to be a confusion of the two. The scribe has written 
agant tentatively between the lines, as though he was aware that' 


the faciunt of the Old Version had been altered, but was not sure 
of the exact nature of the change. 

Ps. xxxi 3. in me not in printed text. Vulgate reads inuetera- 
uerunt ossa mea. Old Latin inu. omnia ossa mea ; the in me of the 
text may perhaps be a corruption of omnia. 

Ps. xxxi 4. mihi (before spina) does not appear in the Louvain 
edition, but it is a recorded v.l. 

Ps. xxxi 5. The scribe has carelessly omitted three important 
words as noted by the angled brackets. In verse 6 tn and aam 
somehow represent in and ad eum respectively. 

Ps. xxxi 6. The reading proximabunt is Old Latin. 

From various references in the Lives of Saints it would appear 
that the Psalms were the first text-book studied by ecclesiastical 
students. 3 These were written on waxen tablets by their instructors. 
On one occasion St. Maedog was with a boy beside a cross ; and he 
wrote a psalm for the boy and when he had written it, the boy 
saw him ascending by a golden ladder between heaven and earth, 

carrying with him the " waxen tablet " (ceraculum) of the boy 4 • 

it appeared afterwards that he had gone temporarily to heaven to 
share in the joyful reception of Colum Cille, who had just passed 
away. Again, when St. Ciaran was a boy herding his parents' 
cattle, he received the rudiments of his learning — to wit, the psalms — ■ 
in the following manner. His tutor was a deacon living at the place 
now called Fuerty, some sixteen miles away from the home of 
Ciaran's parents. The tutor used to dictate, speaking in an ordinary 
voice in his cell. Oiaran, though so far off, heard and wrote, and a 
fox carried his tablets to the tutor for correction. 5 Whatever we 
may think of the story itself, its " stage properties " include such a 
book as that before us ; and, indeed at the time when the Lives of 
St. Ciaran were written, the book, with marks upon it explained 
as produced by the fox's teeth, was actually in existence. 

The writing is too good to be that of a mere pupil : it was probably 
written by a master for purposes of instruction. The writer 
evidently trusted to his memory, and though it served him well, 
it was not infallible. Especially interesting are what appear to be 
lapses into the Old Latin Version ; but we must await the future 
historian of the Bible text in Ireland to learn from him whether 
these have any significance in dating the document. 

R. A. S. M. 

3 Plummer, Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae, vol. i, p. cxv. 

4 Vita Sancti Maedoc, Plummer, op cit., ii, p. 156-7. 

5 Vita Sancti Ciarani in Plummer, op. cit, i, 201. Stokes, Lives of Saints from 
the Boole of Lismore, pp. 120, 266. 


(Continued from vol. xlv, page 142). 

Part V. — Inquisition touching Le Wastyn (Castletown 
Kindalen), Co. Westmeath. 

By Goddard H. Orpen, M.R.I. A., Fellow. 

In my last paper on the Earldom of Ulster, I mentioned that 
there were certain inquisitions taken in 1333 touching lands of 
the Earl situated outside the provinces of Ulster and Connaught. 
I now propose to lay before the Society abstracts of the inquisi- 
tions touching the lands of Le Wastyn or Castletown Kindalen, 
and the barony of Ratoath, accompanied by some brief introduc- 
tory notes. 

The lands of Le Wastyn lay within the Irish territory of Cenel 
Fhiaehach, a name variously anglicised Kenaliagh, Kineleagh, 
Kinalea, &c. This territory is said to have extended at one time 
from the Hill of Uisnech to Birr, but it was afterwards divided 
between the Mageoghegans and the Molloys, and Cenel 
Fhiachach, or Mageoghegan's country, was considered as co-ex- 
tensive with the present barony of Moycashel in Westmeath. 1 
The early history of the manor here is obscure, and references to 
it are few and indirect, but for reasons to be given immediately I 
think the lands were at first included in, or annexed to, the 
Manor of Dysart on the western shores of Lough Ennell. 

When the first Hugh de Lacy granted " Matherothirnan " 
(Magheradernon) to William le Petit he excepted from the grant 
the lake and vill of Dysart and one knight's fee around the vill, 
which he retained in his own hand. 2 The church of Dysart under 

1 See O'Donovan's note (30) to O'Dubhagain, Topographical Poems, 
p. viii. 

2 See the copy of this charter transcribed in Song of Dermot, p. 310. I 
take this opportunity of pointing out that the Rauakonil there men- 
tioned as having a wood, which was divided between the tenements, 
lying between it and Killar [Killare] cannot be Rathconnell to the east 
of Mullingar, as I there suggested, but is probably now represented by 
the townland of Rowe (Bublia) adjoining Mosstown demesne in Rath- 
conrath, and separated from Killare church by little more than a mile 
(See Four Masters, 798, 1159; Ann. Clon., 800, 1159). There may have 
been two places in Westmeath called Bubha Conaill, but of the two the 
townland of Rowe alone suits the Petit charter, and the nemus was evi- 
dently " the woods of Ruffa or Rubha " mentioned in the Annals of 
Dudley Firbisse (Misc. Irish Arch. Soc, vol. i. p. 217, c/., note, p. 276). 
I think it is also the wood called Coillte an rubha in Four Masters, 1475 
(vol. iv, p. 1094). 

( 167 ) 


the disguise of " ecclesia Lohenni de Dissernwltuh," or less 'Ob- 
scurely, " ecclesia de Lochannin de Disertimoletuh " (Disert 
Maile Tulle) was granted to the Canons of Sti. Thomas's Abbey, 
Dublin, before 1202, when the grant was confirmed by Giovanni 
de Salerno, Cardinal-legate to Ireland in that year, and by Simon 
de Rochford, Bishop of Meath; 3 but it does not appear who the 
original grantor was, whether a De Lacy or a sub-feoffee. It appears 
incidentally, however, from a late inquisition (1263) that the lands 
of Dysart were held of Walter de Lacy by William (son of Roger) 
Pipard, who also held of the Crown the barony of Ardee in Louth. 
He died c. 1227, when the custody of his lands and of his infant 
daughter and heir, Alice, was given by the King to Ralph Fitz- 
Nicholas, 5 The guardian, as often happened, seems to have given 
his ward in marriage to his own son, and accordingly in 1252 we 
find that " Ralph fitzRalph fitzNicholas " held the Pipard 
lands for 1 life, i.e., jure uxoris. 6 The son and heir of this marriage 
was another Ralph who, as was commonly done when the mother 
was an heiress, retained his mother's maiden name and was 
known as Ralph Pipard. 7 He was born about 1244 or a little 
earlier, and he first came to Ireland in 1265. 8 He was generally 
an absentee, and in 1301 he granted all his lands in Ireland to the 
King. 9 An extent of his manor of Dysart was taken in January, 
1303, 10 and this extent affords the first indication that the lands 
called Le Wastyn in our inquisition had been annexed to, but were 
becoming separated from, the Manor of Dysart. 

In the first place some of the jurors and of the tenants of 
Dysart in 1303, or members of the same families, appear as jurors 
or holding lands in Le Wastyn thirty years later, viz. : Thomas 
Colmor, Henry Palmer, Richard Cachefreyne, Thomas Brun, and 
Thomas Fitz Allure (Alured or Auerey). Next, Thomas Fitz Allure 
is called in the Dysart extent, as printed by Sweetman " late lord 
of Kynalcan " — names which appear more correctly in an entry 
on the Justiciary Rolls for 1307 as Thomas le fiz Auuerey and 
Kenalean 11 — and the jurors say that " he used to hold of Ralph 
Pipard 70 earucates of land in Kynalcan (Kenalean) by the service 

3 Begister of St. Thomas's Abbey, Dublin, pp. 224, 271. 
* Cal. of Inquisitions (Miscellaneous), no. 281; Col. Docs., Ireland, 
vol. ii, no. 740. 

5 Patent Boll, 12 Hen. Ill, p. 172; Cal. Docs. Ireland, vol. i. nos. 1541, 
1580. Walter de Lacy resisted this grant so far as it concerned the Meath 

6 Close Boll, 35 Hen. Ill, m. 14; and 36 Hen. Ill, m. 14 (not yet pub- 
lished); see Cal. Docs., Ireland, vol. ii, nos. 42, 43. 

7 Cal. Genealogicum, 1 Edw. 1, p. 198. 

8 Cal. Docs., Ireland, vol. ii, no. 765. 

9 Ibid., vol. iv, no. 834. 

10 Ibid., vol. v, no. 167. 

11 Justiciary Bolls, vol. ii, p. 353. "Kynalcan " is probably a mis- 
transcription of " Kynalean." 



-of three knight's fees and* doing suit at- the oourt-of Dysart. " Now, 
70 carucaites contained 8,400 acres, equivalent to at least twice as 
many, modern statute acres, and this large amount, added to the 
'840 acres mentioned in the extent of Dysart as held in demesne 
or by other tenants, cannot possibly be represented by the 
7,415 statute acres now comprising the present parish of Dysart. 
Where then was " Kenalean "? 

Now, in the northern part of Cenel Fhiachach, near the Hill of 
TJsnech, was a territory known as Cenel Enda or Ceneal Eanna, 
as the name came to be written, so called according to the 
.genealogists, from Enna brother of Fiacha (a quo Cenel 
Fhiachach), both being sons of Niall of the nine . Hostages an(J 
progenitors of branches of the. Ui Neill. 

The cenel Enda were primarily seated in the north, between 
Lough Swilly and Lough Foyle, but an offshoot must have carried 
the name to the district in Meath. As a territorial name, it is men- 
tioned there in the Annals translated bv Duald Mac Firbis under 
the year 1452. 12 O'Dubhagain mentions it next after " the 
illustrious Clann Eochagain of Cenel Fiachach." 13 O'Flaherty 
gives its position and the name of the ruling family thus: — 
O'Broenain, in Kinel Enda prope Usneach collem in Kinel- 
fiachia. 14 

In our inquisition the lands of Brenanyston (now the townland 
of Ballybrennan in the parish of Castletown Kindalen) are in- 
cluded, and this name presumably owes its origin to the family 
of O'Broenain or O'Braonain. Moreover, Father Paul Walsh has 
edited an Elegy on Emonn O'Braonain, 15 from which it appears 
that Emonn lived at Baile Adhaimh, now Adamstown 16 in the 
northern part of the parish of Castletown Kindalen. This place, 
as will be seen, is mentioned in the fore-front of our inquisition. 

But further, Father Paul Walsh has conjectured that Cenel 
Eanna as a territorial name has survived in the distinguishing 
element of Castletown Kindalen. This name appears in an in- 
quisition taken at Mulling ar in 1563 as " Villa de Castleton efc 
Kenalena in patria de Kenaliaghe" (Cenel Fhiachach), 17 and in an 
inquisition on the lands of Hugh Mageoghegan taken in 1624 as 
" manerium villa et terra de Castletone Kynnalene " or " Kin- 

12 Miscellany Irish Archaeological Society, vol.- i, p. 234, and note, 
p. 287. The next entry mentions the Leaccain of the Rubha, evidently 
not far off, and thus confirming my former note on " Rauakonil." 

13 Topographical Poems, pp. 2, 10, and note (31). 

14 Ogygia (ed. 1685), p. 401, where the chief's name is faultily printed 
£c O'Broenam." 

15 Irisleabhar Maighe Nuadhat (1913), p. 19. 

16 See Inquis. Lagenie (Westmeath), no. 82, Car. i. Edmund Brenan 
died 1632. 

17 Ibid., no. 1, Elizabeth. 


alene." 18 These inquisitions preserve the earlier anglicised form 
of the name and indicate that it was not derived from a family 
named O'Coindealbhain (Kindelan), though his family name may- 
have influenced the later spelling, but represented the ancient 
territorial designation Cenel Eanna, which, as we have seen, is 
otherwise attested in this part of Cenel Fhiachach. From the 
above it seems quite clear that " Kenalean," of which Thomas 
F'itz Allure [d] or Auuerey in 1303 was late lord, is to be identified 
with Cenel Eanna, now known as Castletown Kindalen, i.e., the 
Castle-town of- Kin alone, or* Cenel Eanna. How the lands also' 
came known as " Le Wastyn " we shall be in a betiter position to 
decide wheti-We have followed their history further. 

This Thomas FitzAuuerey was a member of a family whose 
-name first appears as Fitz Alured. In a story told of the exile of 
Walter and Hugh de Lacy in 1210 it is stated that Walter, in re- 
cognition of the shelter and succour afforded him by the Abbot of 
St. Taurin (at Evreux in Normandy), brought back with him 
John, son of Alured, and enfeoffed him in the manor of Dengle 
[Dengyn or Dangan in Co. Meath]. 19 Though all the details of 
this story cannot be= ^trusted, 20 the alleged grant of Dengyn seems 
authentic. Thomas and Walter filii Aluredi made grants of the 
church of Laracor near Dangan to the Canons of St. Thomas's 
Abbey .before 1210. 21 The name was afterwards written Auerey, 
Averay, &c, and in 1300 Thomas Fitz Averay entailed the manor 
of Dengyn on " Thomas son of John, son of Thomas Fitz Averay, " 
apparently the settlor's grandson. It is probable that the settlor 
was the manvwho about the same time held ' the lands in Kina- 
lean, and that the grandson was the juror on the inquisition of 

The extent of Dysart, moreover, goes on to show how the lands 
in Kinalean became separated from the manor of Dysart. The- 
entry is illegible in some places, but the deficiencies can be sup- 
plied and the facts ascertained with the help of the entry in the- 
Justiciary Boll before referred to. From these two entries it 
appears that about the year 1287 Ralph Pipard sold his manor of 
Dysart to John de Kent 22 and directed Thomas Fitz Auuerey, then 
his tenant, to be responsive to John de Kent ; but Thomas never 

18 See Inquis. Lagenie (Westmeath), no. 65, Jac. 1. 

19 Laud. M.S., Annals, Chart. St Mary's Abbey, vol. ii, p. 311, cf.,. 
Grace's Annals, 1210. 

20 See Ireland under the Normans, vol. ii, p. 258. 

21 Register St. Thomas's Abbey, Dublin, p. 42; cf., p. 277. Thomas 
Filius Aluredi was one of the witnesses to the elder Hugh de Lacy's grant 
of " Matherothirnan " to William Petit, to which reference has been 
made. This is one of many indications that members of this family were 
settled in Meath long prior to 1210. 

22 In a plaint at Loughseudy, in 1299, John de Kancia (Kent), Lord of 
Dysart, is mentioned along with people of the names of Brim, Palmer^ 
Bossher (Bucher), and Colmor : Justiciary Bolls, vol. i, pp. 283-4. 


attorned to John, and in July, 1301, Thomas sold his tenement of 
" Kenalean " to John de Fresingfeld to hold to him and his heirs 
for ever of the chief lords of the fee. It further appears that about 
the time of his making the charter to the King, Ralph Pipard re- 
covered his manor of Dysart from John de Kent, who was then in 
the King's prison at Oxford (and died shortly afterwards); and 
accordingly, when Ralph granted all his lands' to the King, John 
de Fresingfeld became tenant in chief of the King, and on 9 April, 
1307, did fealty to the King for his tenement in Kenalean. At 
the same time John de Fresingfeld made this express claim, 
" that though the King should render to the heirs of John de Kent 
said manor [of Dysart], John de Fresingfeld is not bound to attorn 
to them, because John de Kent was never in seisin of having any 
impendence of said Thomas [le flz Auuerey]." 23 

Thus it was, I think, that the lands in Kenalean known as Le 
Wastyn became separated from the manor of Dysart. But how 
did they come into the possession of the De Burgh's? Here 
again the evidence is indirect. On the 22nd July, 1304, at the 
close of Edward's successful campaign in Scotland, where he was 
assisted by Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, then at the height 
of his power, the King at Stirling with the assent of his Queen r 
Margaret of France, granted to Richard de Burgh the custody 
of the land and heir of Ralph Pipard. 24 

This at any rate, gave the Earl a personal interest in the peace 
of the region to the west and south of Lough Ennell. We have a 
picture of its state at the commencement of the fourteenth 
century drawn by the local jurors of the Dysart inquisition. After 
stating that the lands held by John de Fresingfeld were " totally 
in the march of warlike land," they go on to say that " the manor 
[of Dysart] aforesaid is so contiguous to the Irish of Leinster and 
Meath that no English or peaceful man remains among them, and 
that the manor will not answer to the lord for any profit unless 
the lord shall apply a custody there that " this custody in time 
of peace, which is very rare, would cost at least ten marks a year, 
and when the neighbouring Irish are at war and the Irish of 
Leinster' at peace the custody will cost at least 20s. [marks?] a 
year, and if on the contrary the Irish aforesaid are at war the 
custody could not be carried on at £40 a year." Probably the 
Earl was about the only man in Ireland who could care to under- 
take the custody of Dysart, and would only do so on obtaining 
a grant of the Marchlands of Kinaleagh for himself, so that he 
might have a free hand there. We may infer with confidence 
that by some arrangement with John Fresingfeld the lands 
known as Le Wastyn passed at about this time to the De Burghs. 

23 Cal. Docs. Ireland, vol. v, no. 167, and Justiciary Bolls, vol. ii, p. 353. 

24 Gal. Pat. Bolls, 32 Ed. I., p. 260; Cal. Docs., Ireland, vol. v, no. 323. 


But we are not left entirely to conjecture, however probable. On 
the 20th of January, 1307, there was an order for " payment to 
Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, of 1,000 marks which the King 
grants to him by ordinance of the prelates, earls, and magnates of 
Ireland to subdue Moryertagh Macnahegan, a public enemy who 
had committed homicidal burnings and other felonies in Ireland, 
and whom the Earl had subdued as to [by?] the ordinance 
directed, completing the premises at his expense." 25 

Those who are familiar with the bungling cf English scribes 
and transcribers over Irish names will have little difficulty in con- 
jecturing that the above-mentioned " public enemy " was 
Muireherfach Mor MacEoehagain, chief of the descendants of 
Fiachaidh son of Niall (Cenel Fhiachach), who was himself slain 
by the English a few years later. 26 

It would seem that when Richard de Burgh subdued 
Mageoghegan in 1305 or 1306 he made a partition of Kinalea, 
leaving most of the southern part of the barony of Moycashel to 
the Irish chief. Certainly, of the 70 carucates which formerly 
belonged to Thomas Fitz Averey little more than 25 carucate? 
were included in the lands of Le Wastyn, and these, so far as 
I have ascertained, were in the present parishes of Castletown 
Kindalen and Churchtown. These 25 carucates must, however, 
have been in general peaceably held by the Earl, for at his death, 
in 1326, the lands were worth (apart from the royal services, of the 
military tenants) £41 12s. 2d. Soon after his death, however, in 
August, 1329, fighting broke out with " William Maegoghdan, " 27 
with disastrous results to the English. Thomas le Botiller, who 
at this time held the manor of Mullingar, 28 and thirteen promi- 
nent Meath landholders bearing the names of Ledwich, Nangle, 
Petit, Waring, Tyrel, White, Freynes, and Kent, with 140 of their 
men were slain near Ardnurcher. 29 In the following November 
John Darey, the justiciar, led a force towards Meath to subdue 
William McYoghan. 30 Next year the English slew about 40 of the 
Mageoghegans near " Loghynerthy " \Locli Ainninne, Lough 
Ennell?], whereupon " Maegoghdan " in his wrath burned and 
plundered 15 small townlands in the vicinity and the English in 

25 Cal. Docs. Ireland, vol. v, no. 609. 

26 Ann. Loch Ce, 1311. 

27 This was presumably William Gdllda, son of Murtough Mor 
Mageoghegan. He died in 1332 (Four Masters). The soubriquet gallcla 
was presumably given to him for his previous friendly relationship with 
Ibe English. 

28 This Thomas Butler was a younger brother of Edmund Butler, who 
was justiciar from 1312 to 1317. In right of his wife Synolda, daughter 
and heir of William Petit, Thomas held the manors of Mullingar, Dun- 
boyne, and Moymet : Cal. Close Boll (Ireland), 17 & 18 Edw. III., p. 
43 (5). He was ancestor of the Butlers of Dunboyne. 

29 Laud MS. Annals, as above, p. 370. 

30 43rd Rep. D. K., p. 28. 



their turn assembling, slew 110 of his men, including three sons 
of chieftains. 31 Clearly, it was in consequence of all this fighting 
that the lands of Le Wastyn were in the devastated condition dis- 
closed by the inquisition of 1333. 

There is one other record which may be quoted as showing that 
immediately after Earl William's death there was further destruc- 
tion at Le Wastyn, now called a manor, ca.used by O'Melaghlin 
-and others. In the Escheator's accounts for the period from 2 
December, 1331, to 5 March, 1335, is the following entry: ■ 

Le Wastyn, Co. Meath — He answers nothing for the rents and 
issues of all the lands and tenements which belonged to said 
William de Burgo, late Earl of Ulster, in the manor of the 
Wastyn, Co. Meath, in the King's hand by the death of the said 
Earl from 6 July a, r. vii ! [1333] to 26 Aug. a. r. viii [1334], because 
said lands and tenements immediately after the Earl's death were 
destroyed and burned by Molaghlyn and other Irish felons, before 
they were delivered to said Matilda, Countess of Ulster, to hold 
in dower by writ from England delivered into the Exchequer 
dated 26 Aug. a. r. viii." 32 

The name Le W T astyn or Vastina is puzzling. The French 
•article suggests a French origin, but its use is by no means con- 
clusive. It was often used to represent the Irish article, as in Le 
Naas an nds, Li Yochil (Youghal) an eocaill; sometimes tanto- 
logically, where the initial " n" already represents the Irish 
article, as in Le Nobbyr, an obair, Le Naul, an dill, Le Novan, 
an uamhainn (?). Still the name Wastyn or Vastin can hardly 
he Irish. I think it is simply a derivative of the old French Wast, 
as in the phrase faire wast " to lay waste," whence the modern 
French gdter, representing older forms gaster, waster, borrowed 
from the Latin uastus, uastare (Skeat). The adjectival termina- 
tion (Lat. — inus, ina) is moreover, to be compared with that of 
old territorial denominations in France, especially in Normandy, 
e.g., Le Bessin, Le Vexin, Le Cotentin, L'Avranchin, Le 
Limousin, &c. Thus Le Wastyn means the waste, or perhaps, 
devastated district. There is a townland in the parish of Toome, 
€o. Wexford, called " Waste," and the word, or rather its middle 
English equivalent, enters into some English place-names in the 
Lake District, e.g., Wastwater, Was Ct] dale. The name is not 
•attested in Cenel Fhiaehach until the beginning of the fourteenth 
century, when, as we see by the Dysart inquisition, the place 
had already been devastated, and even then, so far as I know, it 
occurs only in Anglo-Norman documents. Richard de Burgh, 
when seeking a grant from the King of the devastated lands 
formerly annexed to the manor of Dysart, would be likely to lay 
stress on their waste condition, and thus the name Le Wast ina 

31 Laud MS. Annals, p. 373. 32 44th Rep. D. K., p. 36. 


may have become attached to the new manor which he formed. 
The church, which he probably restored (if he did not found it), 
may have taken its name from the lands in which it stood. It 
was valued at 20 marks in 1302-6. It presumably stood in the- 
village of Castletown-Kindalen or Castle town-Geoghegan, as the 
manorial seat came to be called from its subsequent Irish lords, 
though the alternative name Vastina or Wastyna has persisted up 
to the present time. Close to the village is a remarkable mote 
and bailey earthwork of large dimensions which seems to be of the 
Norman type. If so, it was probably fashioned in the time of the- 
elder Hugh de Lacy or soon afterwards, and we must suppose that, 
as in many other cases, the wooden buildings and palisading 
erected thereon had been suffered to fall into decay or were* 
destroyed and abandoned before the close of the 13th century. 

County Meath. Wastyn [Castletown-Kindalen]. 

Inquisition taken at Killen 33 before John Morice Escheator of 
Ireland on Thursday next after the feast of SS. Peter and Paul, 
7 Edw. III. [1 July, 1333]. 

Jurors: — Theobald de Vernoyl, Knight, 34 Thomas Fitz Oweyn, 
Robert Bucher, Nicholas Brun, Henry Palmer, 35 Thomas Fitz- 
Auerey, 36 John Tuyt, 37 Bartholomew Tuyt, Nicholas Bodnam 38 ' 
Henry Russel, John Tancard, and Richard Rocheforcl, who say 
upon oath that — 

Demesne Lands. — William de Burgh, late Earl of Ulster held 
in his demesne as of fee, on the day on which he died, of the King- 
in chief by military service, divers lands and tenements in a place 
called Le Wastyn in County Meath, viz.: at Adameston, S9, 

33 Killeen, a townland in the parish of Castletown-Kindalen. 

34 After the death in 1213 of Peter Messet, baron of Luyn [Lime], near 
Trim, without male heirs, his inheritance passed through his three- 
daughters to their husbands, Lord de Vernaill [Vernoyl, Verneuil], 
Talbot, and Loundres, respectively (Laud M.S., Annals, Chart, St~ 
Mary's, Dublin, vol. ii, p. 312), and the barony was divided into the 
manors of Portlester, Moyrath, and Athboy (Cal. Gormanston Begister, 
p. 12). On 7 January, 1331, Theobald de Vernoyl, Knight, was one of the- 
witnesses to the entail of the manor of Athboy by William, son of William 
de London [Loundres], Knight (Ibid., p. 174). 

35 Henry Palmer was a juror on the Dysart extent, 1303. 

36 j? or Thomas fitz Auerey see above. 

37 John Tuyt, probably of Sonnagh. He was appointed custos pads for 
the liberty of Trim in '1346 : Cal. Patent Boll (Ireland,), 20 Edw. IIP, 
p. 50 (5). 

38 Nicholas de Bodenham was one of the coroners of Meath in 1308 : 
Cal. Close Boll (Ireland), 2 Edw. IP, p. 7 (24). 

39 Adamstown, a townland mainly in the parish of Castletown Kin- 
dalen, but partly in that of Conry. 



Rogereston, 40 Mylton, 41 and Colmoryston, 42 370 acres which used 
to be under the lord's plough and were worth per acre in time of 
peace 10d., but now, because they lie waste and untilled and in 
the march among the Irish, each acre is worth for grazing Id. 
per annum. 

Total of old value 151 8s. 4d. 
Total of present value 11 10s. lOd. 

Waste Lands. — Four cam cat es and forty acres of land, each 
carucate containing 120 acres, in Bylrath, 43 Mylton, Brustnagh, 44 
Clonbaltyn, Brenanyston, 15 Kyllellin, Lathard Cloghmol, 
Kyleley, 45 Drummore, 45 Cromore, Moyel, Rothan, Hay, Calytarson 
[? " Balytarsyn " in the Summary], Moytanwagh, 46 and Tullagh- 
mel; each acre used to be worth lOd. as above, but now nothing, 
because utterly destroyed by Macoghgan and other Irishmen. 47 

Total of old value £21 13s. 4<2. and now nil. 

Free Tenants. — 22s. rent from lands which Henry, son of 
Gilbert de Burgo> holds in fee at Clonmok. 

6s. Sd. rent from lands which Mc ernin [ ?] holds there in fee. 
Rent of one pair of spurs or Gd. from lands in Tomlynyston. 
2s. rent out of lands in Clonmoryston. 

20s. rent out of one carucate at Samalysrath, which Henry 
Russel holds there in fee. 

5s. rent out of 60 acres in Mylton, which Hugh Tyrell holds in 

Id. rent out of 60 acres in Mylton, which Geoffrey Auerey holds 
in fee. 

Id. rent out of 7 acres in Remoundeston, 48 which Remund Frysel 
holds in fee. 

Total 21 16s. M. 

40 Rogerstown, a townland in the parish of Churchtown and barony of 

41 Milltown, a townland adjoining Rogerstown, also in the parish of 

42 Colmoryston was evidently so called from the family of Colmor, 
one of whom held a carucate here. The name seems to have been cor- 
rupted into Glomerstown, a townland in the parish of Churchtown, 
adjoining Rogerstown. Here the Midland Great Western Railway is 
carried over the castle site. The above four townlands now contain 
2,108 statute acres, but portions of the same denominations appear 
below as held by freeholders. 

43 Balrath, a townland in the parish of Castletown Kindalen. 

44 Probably Mabrista, a townland in Castletown Kindalen. 

45 Ballybrennan, Killalea and Dromore are all townlands in the parish 
■of Castletown, Kindalen. 

46 Probably the Irish Magh Tamhnach. Is it not the place so called 
in Four Masters, 1475, vol. iv, p. 1094. 

47 The above places presumably represent the " 15 small townlands " 
burned by Mageoghegan in 1330, as above mentioned. 

48 Redmondstown, a townland in the parish of Churchtown. 


Royal Services. — There are d 
lands and tenements in divers 
called Le Wastyn, who render 

Mem. — The total contained in 
this parcel is not placed in the 
grand total of the Calendar, 
because the Lady is dowered 
with the third part of the 
service, as appears in the writ 
of dower addressed to the 
Eschaetor of Ireland. 

ivers freeholders who hold divers 
places annexed to the said place 
yearly nothing except suit at the 
Court of the said place fort- 
nightly and. for each carucate 
of land which they hold there 
each according to his portion 
renders for royal service when 
proclaimed 3s. 4d. f viz. : 

Theobald de Vernoyl 49 holds at Droghald 4£ carucates. 
John Cruys del stall [Nail, now Naul?] holds 15 acres in Clon- 

Geoffrey Fitz Auerey 50 holds H carucates in Benetyson and 

John Tyrell holds 1 carucate in Rogeryston. 

Hugh Tyrell holds 60 acres in Mylton. 
John Tuyt holds 60 acres in Mylton. 
Nicholas Brun holds 2 carucates in Lesdry. 
John Golmer holds 1 carucate in Colmeryston. 51 

The heir of Walter Lysdyr holds half a carucate in Cols yn. 52 

Extent of Royal 
Services when 

106s. 10c?. 

Henry Russell holds 30 acres in Kyllyngbeg. 
John Kaehfreyns 7 acres in Adameston. 
Robert Fitz Nichol holds i carucate in 

John Tyrell holds 1 carucate in Thomolineston. 
Reimund Freysel holds 7 carucates in Remoundeston. 
John de Burgo holds 1 carucate in Remoundiston Frayns. 
John Manechan holds 30 acres in Balichillin. 

49 Yot Theobald de Vernoyl, Knight, see note above. The place-name 
puzzles me. 

50 For the Fitz Auerey family see p. 170. 

51 These names I take to be the same as Colmor and Colmoryston, men- 
tioned above, where the place-name is taken as now represented by 
" Glomerstown," in the parish of Churchtown. 

52 Probably we should read Colfyn, now Coolfln (Cuil-finri) , a town- 
land in the parish of Ardnurcher and barony of Moycashel? " Cuifin " 
was parcel of the manor of " Castletone-Kinalene," as held by Hugh 
Mageoghegan in 1622 : Inquis. Lagenie (Westmeath), no. 65, Jac. 1. 

53 This name, which occurs again below, would represent the Irish 
O'Manachain. The family evidently left their name in the townland of 
Managhanstown, now Monaghanstown, in the part of the parish of 
Dysart which is included in the barony of Moycashel, where in 1628- 
Barnard Mageoghegan held some lands : Inquis. Lagenie, Westmeath,. 
no. 29, Car. 1. 



Perquisites of Court. — A Court used to be held there fort- 
nightly, worth in time of peace 3s. 4d, and now nothing, because 
in the march and among the Irish. 

Total. 3s. 4d. according to the-, 
old extent and nothing accord- 
ing to the new. 

And they say that Elizabeth de Burgo is daughter and heir of 
the said late William Earl of Ulster and is of the age of one half* 
year and more. 


Monasternenagh or Nenay de Magio, County Limerick. — Mr. 

Johnson Westropp's interesting and instructive paper on 
the antiquities connected with Manister and Dromasseli 
in the June, 1919, number of the Journal of the R.S.A.I., 
induces me to suggest the following explanation of the 
meaning of " de Magio " as applied by. Ware and other writers, 
apparently connecting the site of this monastery with the river 
Maigue, which is misleading. This Cistercian foundation known 
as Manister Abbey, was built in the middle of the twelfth century 
•on the south bank of the Camoge river, some two miles east of the 
river Maigue, in the barony of Coshmagh. Coshmagh is an exten- 
sive 2)lain reaching across the county south-east from the bounds of 
Coshleagh, north-west to Adare, with the river Maigue running 
parallel to its western boundary. Joyce, in his Irish Names of 
Places, gives the following derivation of Coshmagh : — Cos (cuss 
a foot, cois, cosh is used locally to express the foot or lower end of 
anything — foot of the mountain. Cosh-lea was so called from its 
position with respect to the Galtee Mountains — its Irish name 
being Cois-Sleibhe (Cush-leva — at the foot of the mountains). 
Sometimes the word cois (which is in this case a remnant of the 
compound preposition a-gcois or a-cois) is used to express con- 
tiguity or nearness — in this sense it appears in the name of the 
barony of Coshmagh in Limerick, Cois-Maighe (the district near 
or along the river Maigue), Coshbride, the territory by the river 

Magh (a plain) is the root word from which the barony and river 
derive their names. Cosh, the foot or end of the plain marked by 
the river, gives the name Coshmagh to the whole district. Magh 
became in the course of time Maigh and then Maigue — the original 
name is still preserved in Glenmagh, the river glen near the junc- 
tion of the Morning Star river with the Maigue. Although the 
barony continues to the west of the river, the physical features of 
the country completely change from a rolling plain to hill and dale. 
Three ranges of hills rise up close to the river, running for a con- 
siderable distance westward — namely, Eockhill and Garryfme near 
Bruree, Ballinlena and Lisduane, and the Liskennett hills towards 

The earliest document I am aware of connected with this 
monastery is mentioned by Archdall in Monasticon tHibernicum, 
1304 : ' 'Isaac was Abbot ; for we find that on the 7th of March in this 
year he granted to John Bathe, the son of Simon, the whole Grange 
of Grangenaw, for the space and term of thirty years, paying 

( 178 ) 



annually thereout forty cronnogs of bread corn, twenty of pease and 
beans, and twenty of oats, all properly cleansed and winnowed : 
and also, that he should pay suit and service at their Court , of 
Mage twice in every year; and if the said John, his heirs or assigns, 
should at any time be amerced in the said Court, the fine should 
not exceed sixpence." 

The Court of Mage mentioned in this document evidently refers 
to the plain (Magh) on which the monastery was built. We may 
assume, therefore, that "de Magio " was used by the monks from 
the earliest years of the monastery to denote its situation on the 
plain, in the vicinity of the river Maigue, not the river itself. The 
plain has given its Gaelic name to the river, so the river and plain 
combine to give the barony its name Coshmagh. 

James Grene Barry. 

Seal of the Town of Navan, Co. 
Meath — Impression from the seven- 
teenth century silver matrix, which 
has been lent to the National 
Museum by its owner, Major Metge. 
The impression measures 1*9 by 1-5 
inches. The device is the crest of 
the family of Cowan, a fore-arm 
issuing from clouds holding a heart : 
on the dexter side of the crest is a 
harp and on the sinister a rose : 
above is a royal crown and the date 
1661. The legend which refers to 
the restoration of Charles II. reads : 

Bestaurato Carolo Secundo Eespiramus. 
The inhabitants of Navan received from James I. a new charter 
of incorporation which was confirmed by Charles II. on his resto- 

The crest of Cowan as part of the device of the seal niay be 
-accounted for by presuming that the Portreeve at the time the 
matrix was made was a member of that family. 

E. C. E. Armstrong, 


A Crannog in Cork. — During recent excavation for foundation 
of proposed buildings, off South Main Street, within the City of 
Cork, there was laid bare portion of what almost certainly was a 
lake-dwelling. It is well-known tha,t the low-lying " flat " of Cork 
was once a marsh through which sluggishly flowed the multifur- 



cated river. It is, in fact, the very place where one would, prima 
facie, expect a crannog settlement to have been. In the recent 
operation alluded to, a shaft, some two or three yards square, was 
carried down to a depth of about 23 feet through various strata of 
man's and nature's laying. Incidentally this stratification told in 
outline the story of the spot. First, reckoning from the surface 
downwards, was a layer of old building material and household 
rubbish four or five feet in thickness. Judging from the pottery 
remains, this stratum must have been some centuries in accumu- 
lation. Next came a band of black mould, three and a half feet 
thick, composed chiefly of decayed timber and brushwood. 
Towards the bottom of this stratum were found, in situ and thickly 
set the pointed ends of oaken piles. Below this again was a layer 
of river mud of the consistency of old cheese . This was of varying 
depth, but nowhere was it less than two feet thick. Underneath 
the layer of mud was a stratum, three and a half feet deep, com- 
posed largely of oyster shells. Intermixed were a few bones of the 
ox, &c.j some of which were sawn as if by a metal tool. Finally, 
below the shell layer was a second stratum of mud, from seven to 
nine feet thick and resting upon the river gravel, through which 
subterranean waters came trickling in quantity. On top of the 
gravel lay, resting nearly at right angles one upon the other, two 
great tree trunks of oak. 

Our interest, of course, centres in the second and fourth of the 
enumerated strata, and is, in fact, confined to them. Of these, 
the first indicates a crannog. Unfortunately, it was impossible to 
explore the area immediately outside the shaft. Within the shaft 
area, however, the piles showed all the characteristics of crannog 
timbers. Only the pointed ends survived where they had been 
driven into the mud. The piles had been set at distances of about 
fifteen inches apart, and were of oak, cut and pointed by a metallic 
implement. Around and between them was a mass of vegetable 
mould — the remains chiefly of decayed brushwood. I am unable 
to say whether the stakes were set in lines or circles. 
I found here a stone or two of the sloe or cherry. Before 
removal from their ancient bed in the mud the stakes 
averaged about three inches in diameter, but, in drying, 
notwithstanding treatment with alum, they shrank consider- 
ably. No tool or other relic of man was, as far as I know, 
found here. I am bound, however, to explain that I did not hear 
of the excavation till it had proceeded to the lowest (mud) stratum. 
Later on, indeed, I did extract some piles from their places in the 
sides of the shaft. The fourth, or shell, stratum, seems to indicate 
a pre-crannog settlement on the spot — an occupation by a colony 
of oyster-eaters which had apparently outgrown the age of stone. 

The excavation was, unfortunately, on so small a scale that it 
can hardly, perhaps, be claimed to establish more than very strong 

Plate XVI] 

[To face page 181 




probabilities. Future sinkings for foundations, &c, in the same 
locality will, I trust, be carefully watched and reported on by com- 
petent observers. 

P. Power. 

An Ancient Bronze Crucifix. — The excellent photo here repro- 
duced will convey a good idea of a hitherto undescribed crucifix 
which I saw, some little time since, at a silversmith's in Cork, 
whither it had been sent for repair or alteration. The object's 
history, as far as I have been able to gather, is somewhat as 
follows : — The crucifix was preserved for generations in a farm- 
house near Mourne Abbey, Co. Cork, where the tradition was, and 
is, that it originally belonged to the Commandery of the Hospi- 
tallers at that place. Of late, years the relic has come into 
possession of a secular priest, whose name I have no permission 
to mention, and who, in any case, is unknown to me, though he 
has very kindly furnished me with the accompanying photograph. 

Both cross and figure are of bronze. Portion of left arm of 
cross (to observer's right) as well as lower end of stem are rude, 
modern restorations. The scroll attachment to head of shaft is a 
modern and very barbarous addition. Width at arms is 8| inches, 
and the remaining original stem measures 12J inches. While it is. 
probable the figure is older by a century or two than the cross, both 
are of undoubted antiquity. Behind the figure, across the arms, 
runs a black-letter inscription, partly defaced and very difficult 
to decipher: it looks like a date — MCCCIIII. The victim's head 
is crowned, and just above- — a little to left side — there appears a: 
suspended rose spray. Above the spray again the monogram IKS 
is faintly visible. The figure bears a very close resemblance to am 
enamelled dying Christ (157- '06) in the National Museum. The 
latter is undoubted Limoges work of the thirteenth century. I take 
it our figure is of the twelfth or thirteenth century, and the cross 
of about thei fourteenth century. 

Its probable quondam connection with the preceptory of Mourne 
adds to our crucifix a very special interest. 

P. Power. 

"Finds" near Newmarket, Co. Clare. — Mr. William Halpin, 
of Knocknagun, writes to me that he found a curious arrow head 
of limestone which he gave to Mr. FitzGerald, of Carrigoran. He. 
since adds that portions of a large " body torque " l were also 
found near Moghane fort. It was made of a bar of gold an inch 
square and twisted, and had been cut up into pieces. These were 

Like the Tara ones, large enough to wear round the waist. 


offered to his father at the time of the " great Clare gold find," 
who refused to buy them unless all the pieces were brought. The 
rest was sold (at a lower price than Mr. Halpin offered for the other 
gold ornaments), I understand, to Mr. Wallace in Limerick. 

T. J. Westropp. 

Memento Mori Seal.— Mr. Philip H. 
Hore, having seen in my paper on 
the paintings at Knockmoy, 1 the 
account of the three spectres or 
skeletons and their warning : 
UT SUMUS NOS; has kindly sent 
me particulars and impressions of 
an ancient seal which displays the 
same morality in an abbreviated 

The subject was a favourite one 
on monuments of the sixteenth and 
following centuries ; and I am inter- 
ested to find it adapted to a seal 
also. In this case the design shows a death's head, deeply and 
boldly cut, and around it the words : ES EUI SUM ERIS— " Thou 
art [as] I have been, I am [as] thou shalt be." 

Mr. Hore informs me that the seal is beautifully engraved on an 
amethyst, and mounted in fine, embossed gold, with a handle of 
coloured agate If inches high. It belonged to his great-grand- 
father, and was removed, with other valuables, from the old castle 
of Pole Hore, near Wexford, just in time to escape the sack of that 
building in 1798 : how long the family may have had it before 
that date he does not. know. The figure shows an impression en- 
larged to three times the length of the original. 

Henry S. Crawford. 

A Bullaun. — In the townland of Ballinabarney, on the left-hand 
side of the road leading from Rathdrum to Drumgoff, there is 
a large granite boailder, about the same size as that of the Deer 
Stone at the Seven Churches, with three basin-like hollows sunk 
in it. The local name for it is The Wart Stone, from the belief 
that the water in the bowls has the power to cure warts. Mr. F. 
Wakeman, in his handbook, says many theories have been ad- 
vanced as to the origin and uses of Bullauns, but as their purpose 
varied, no definite rule can be laid down on the subject. 

E. J. French. 

1 Journal, B.S.A.I., vol. xlix, p. 25. 




Corrigenda et Addenda. 

The following note should be added at the foot of Table I. 1 : — 
" The part of the parish of Tomregan, in the Diocese of Kilmore, 
which extended into Co. Fermanagh, is mentioned in the Ennis- 
killen Inquisition of 1609, but no church seems to have been 
•situated in that part of the parish. The parish church of Tomregan 
was situated in Co. Cavan." 

There is a tradition of an ancient church having been situated 
on the northern slopes of Belmore Mountain, south-east of Boho. 
This church, if it really existed, may have been perhaps identical 
with the chapel of Templemullin in the parish of Boho, mentioned 
in Table I., the site of which I had not been able previously to 

The remarks in Table II., that the church on Davy's Island is 
thought to have been in ruins for more than eight hundred years, 
are certainly erroneous, and should, therefore, be deleted, for this 
church has a pointed Gothic doorway, the date of which cannot be 
earlier than the thirteenth century. 

On page 46 the whole of line 10 should be deleted, as Tomregan 
Parish is of pre-Reformation date, and was not taken from 

Whenever mention is made of the Inquisition of 1609 throughout 
my paper it should always be taken as referring to the Fermanagh 
Inquisition taken at Enniskillen in 1609, and published as No. VI. 
in the Appendix to the Inquisitionum in Officio Rotulorum Can- 
cellariae Hiberniae Ass erv at arum, Repertorium, vol. ii, 1829. 
The Survey of Co. Fermanagh of 1603 is No. III. in the introduc- 
tion to the above work, which I referred to on page 41 as the ' ' In- 
quisitions of Ulster." 

Dorothy Lowry-Corry, Fellow. 

See Journal R.S.A.I., vol. xlix, pp. 35, 158. 


Catalogue of Irish Gold Ornaments in the Collection of the Royal 

Irish Academy. By E, C. B. Armstrong, F.S.A. 
Mr. Armstrong's long-expected catalogue of the gold ornaments 
housed in the National Museum fully justifies the hopes that were 
entertained by those privileged to follow its progress. It is far 
more than it professes to be. Not only is it an exhaustive 
catalogue, With full particulars about every gold object in the 
collection : it is a treatise on one of the most important branches 
of the archaeology of Ireland. 

It opens with a historical sketch of the growth of the collection 
in the Boyal Irish Academy, and a summary of previous literature 
on the subject. There is also in this preliminary chapter a useful 
account of the Wicldow gold-region, which was doubtless the 
source of the metal of which most, if not all, of the ornaments 
described were made. The chapter ends with a few technical 
details on the processes of manufacture. After this introductory 
chapter there follows a series in which the normal types of orna- 
ments are described in turn — lunulae, gorgets, torques, penannular 
rings, fibulae, discs, balls, ear-rings, boxes, beads, bands, bullae, 
bracelets, and miscellaneous smaller ornaments : there are also 
chapters or sections describing the Clare Find, the Broighter Find,, 
and the important recent find of a sun-disc and bracelets at 
Lattoon, Co. Cavan. It is not too much to say that these chapters 
form what will long remain as the standard treatise on Irish gold. 

The catalogue follows. It includes 475 objects, all of which are 
fully described, the weights specified, and illustrated on a series 
of twenty plates. So thorough and accurate is this catalogue, that 
any student in any country will be able to prosecute researches in 
the history of bronze-age ornaments in Ireland without the neces- 
sity of visiting Dublin. For the trifling cost of two shillings, the 
national collection of Irish gold ornaments becomes the common 
property of the whole world. 

The highest praise for accuracy and draughtsmanship must be 
accorded to the plates, which are the work of Miss Eileen Barnes. 
It is no small asset to Irish archaeology that the services of this 
admirable artist are available for the illustration of works such as 
the excellent catalogue before us. 

E, A. S. M. 

( 184 ) 



Two Centuries of Life in Down, 1600-1800. By John Stevenson. 
Belfast: McCaw, Stevenson & Orr, Ltd. 

The author of this work has written his book with the laudable 
intention of making the dry bones of history live, by recording all 
the personal touches he could find in his extensive searches, to 
enable us to see how the old folk ' ' lived and moved and had their 
being " in the County Down for two centuries. Not only the 
archives of the Bodleian, the British Museum, and the Advocates' 
Library, Edinburgh, but also private collections of letters and 
diaries, have yielded him material for a volume of nearly five hun- 
dred pages. The historical portion of this account of the great Plan- 
tation, as far as relates to this county, is rapidly surveyed, and 
then the author, under many headings, gives us what he has been 
able to gather as to the social life of the inhabitants. His system 
is to illustrate the various phases of that life by copious extracts. 
Unfortunately, he hardly possesses the sense of proportion so 
necessary in a work of this kind. Extracts of undue length from 
letters and diaries, many of them containing little of interest, pro- 
duce a feeling of weariness which might easily have been avoided. 
The author might have compressed his work into two-thirds of the 
space with advantage. Apart from this criticism, it contains much 
that is interesting. The necessity, at Ballylesson, of a deceased 
person, brought for interment, having to be attended by some 
person of credit to answer for the good behaviour of deceased when 
alive, conjures up terrible visions either of perjury or of refusal of 
burial. The first Viscount Montgomery built a school at New- 
townards, and provided the scholars with a green for recreation at 
*' goff, football and archery." This is probably the earliest refer- 
ence to golf in Ireland. Amusing instances of the doggerel sung at 
Presbyterian meetings for practising singing are given, the ad- 
herents of this denomination having such a reverence for the sacred 
words of the Psalms that their use in singing, other than for God's 
praise, could not be tolerated. In the chapter on " Hospitality 
and Housekeeping " the author appears to think that a night gown 
was a night dress in the present acceptation of the word. It was, 
in reality, a sort of dressing gown put on for ease in the evening, 
when the more elaborate daily attire had been removed. 

The work is well printed and produced, and contains many maps 
and portraits. 

H. W. 


A Quarterly General Meeting of the 72nd Session of the Society 
was held at 63 Merrion Square, Dublin, at 8.30 p.m., on Tuesday, 
27th July. This meeting was held instead of the Summer Meeting 
projected at Wexford, which had to be abandoned owing to the 
required number of applications for tickets for the excursion not 
having been received. 

The President, M. J. McEnery, in the chair. 

Also present : — 

Fellows : — E. J. French, G. D. Burtchaell, Rev. Hugh B. 
Thompson, Goddard H. Orpen, P. J. Halfpenny, E. Macdowel 
Cosgrave, D. Carolan Rushe, Sir Thomas Grattan Esmonde, 
Bart. ; Marquis McSwiney, Miss E. G. Warren, Miss H. 
Warren, E. M. Nichols,' Miss J. Nichols Miss M. Nichols, 
J. E. Weldrick, H. S. Crawford, Mrs. McEnery, H. G. Leask, 
W. G. Strickland. 

Members: — Miss Carolan, Mrs. Shackleton, Mrs. Long, 
Dr. Edith Badham, I. R. B. Jennings, Miss Denning, P. 
McKenna, Sir A. F. Baker, M. Halfpenny, Miss M. Carolan, 
Miss Hay den, C. J. MacGarry, R. W. Booth. 

The following Fellows and Members were elected: — 

H. R. Browne | 

The following paper was read, and referred to the Council for 
publication : — 

" Notes on the Baronies of Forth and Bargy," by Mr. Goddard 
H. Orpen, Fellow. 

"The Earldom of Ulster, Part V.," by Mr. Orpen, and 
" St. Vaux of Carne, " by Mr. J. P. Dalton, were taken as 
read, and were referred to the Council for publication. 

As Fellows : — 

H. A. Burke 

W. A. Conway 

H. S. Crawford 

D. O'Connor Donelan 

J. S. Gaffney 

J. F. Green 

John Lopdell 

Lady Dorothy Lowry-Corry 

S. F. McCarthy 
H. Lloyd Meadows 
H. C. Mooney 
Mrs. H. C. Mooney 
T. F. Morrissey 
G. O'Brien 
W. Downes Webber 

As Members : — 

Miss Kathleen A. Browne 

Rev. W. F. Hanton. 

( 186 ) 



A Quarterly General Meeting was held on Tuesday, 28th 
September, 1920, at 8 p.m. 

The President in the chair. 
Also present : — 

Fellows: — S. G. Murray, Goddard H. Orpen, Miss E. M. 
Nichols, L. Giron, J. Gateley, Miss E. G. Warren, Miss H. 
"Warren, E. J. Kelly, J. Nichols, J. F. Weldrick, D. Carolan 
Eushe, Marquis McSwiney, Mrs. McEnery, H. G. Leask, H. S. 

Members: — B. D. Walshe, D. J. Nolan, Miss A. Peter, Dr. 
Edith Badham, Mrs. Shackleton, Mrs. Long, Mrs. Betham, G. K. 
Pilkington, Mrs. Collum, Dr. H. Bewley, Dr. Dargan, Mrs. 
Dargan, Bev. E. Wall, Miss Carolan. 

A paper on " Cannistown Church, Co. Meath," by H. S. 
Crawford, Fellow, was read and referred to the Council for publi- 

Mr. Crawford also shewed a series of slides, illustrating the 
various types of early Irish Monuments. 

An EiVENing Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, 26th 
October, 1920, at 8 p.m. 

The President in the chair. 

The following papers were read and referred to the Council for 
publication : — 

1. " The Patron of the Church of Kilgobbin, Co. Dublin." By 

P. J. O'Beilly, Fellow. 

2. " Account of the Attempted Abduction of Miss Newcomen, 

1772." By E, F. S. Colvill, Fellow. Eead by E, C. E. 
Armstrong, Hon. Treasurer. 

An Evening Meeting of the Societv was held on 30th November, 
1920, at 4.30 p.m. 

The President in the chair. 

The following papers were read : — 

1. " The Civic Insignia of the Corporation of Dublin." By 

W. G. Strickland, Hon. Gen. Secretary. 

2. "Black Abbey, Co. Down." By the late Gustavus E. 

Hamilton. Communicated by Herbert Wood, Felloiv. 



The Statutory Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, 14th 
December, at 4.30 p.m. 

The President in the chair. 

Also present : — ■ 

Fellows:— S. G. Murray, H. Wood, W. G. Strickland, E, J. 
French, Mrs. Hutton, E, J. Kelly, T. J. Westropp, Miss E. M. 
Nichols, Mrs. McEnery, Miss Warren, Miss H. Warren, J. 
Langan, Dr. E. P. McDonnell, Eev. T. W. O'Eyan, F. Kennedy 
Cahill, A. E. Montgomery, E. G. Pilkington, E, C. E, Armstrong. 

Members;. — Mrs. Shackleton, Mrs. Long, Professor M. Hayden, 
E. B. Sayers, Dr. Dargan, Capt, Fitzpatrick, W. Chamney, E. 

The following vacancies, to be filled at the Annual General 
Meeting were declared as follows: — President, five Vice-Presi- 
dents, Hon. General Secretary, Hon. Treasurer, seven Members of 
the Council, and two Auditors. 

Mr. Ei. M. Fannin, Member, gave an account, with lantern illus- 
trations, of recent excavations of the Neolithic Sanctuary of 
Tarxien in Malta. 



Accounts of Society, audited, 97. 
Aenach Chuli, Limerick, 103, 110, or 

Oenach Clochair, 149. 
Aghaboe in Ossory, 20. 
" Agriculture and the standard of 

living in Ireland in the years 1240- 

1350, State of," 1-18. 
Ailbhe St., 101. 

Aldritch, High Sheriff of Monaghan 

(1641), 39. 
Alured family (1303), 169. 
Angels, figures of, 137. 
Antrim Co., find in, 160 ; tokens, 48, 50. 
Arbutus trees, in Beare, Cork, 155. 
Ardpatrick, Limerick, 105. 
Armagh, tokens, 47. 

Armstrong. E. C. R., elected Treasurer, 
83 ; papers by, 160, 179 ; book by, 
notice of, 182. 

Arrowhead of limestone, Clare, 181. 

Athenry, Galway, carvings, 60. 

Athlone, tokens, 47 : plaque found at, 

" Auuerey," see Alured. 


Balbnabarney, Wicklow, 182. 

Ballybrennan, Westmeath, 169. 

Banibry, Cork, see Beare. 

Barry, James Grene, note by, 179. 

Bealach Eeabrat pass, 116. 

Beara princess, tale of, 148. 
Beare, and Bantry, Co. Cork, promon- 
tory forts, &c," 140-159. 

Bearehaven, and its fishery, 155-6 ; topo- 
graphy, 152. 

Belfast, tokens, 48, 50. 

Belinus, Beli, Bile, a god, 143. 

Book, with tablets, 160. 

Bui, Bali, a goddess, of Dunboy, &c, 143. 

Bull and Cow Rocks, Cork, tradition, 143. 

Bullaun, 182. 

Butler family (1312), 172. 


Cainnech, St., 20. _ 
Carn Riabhach, Limerick, 115. 
Castletown Kindalen, Meath, 174. 
Cenel Fhiachach, see Mageoghegan. 
■Cenn Febrat (Slievereagh), Limerick, 103, 

Christ, monogram of, 65; representa- 
tions of, 130-8. 
Ciaran, St., 160. 

Circles, Slievereagh, 112; Beare, 156. 
Clanna Degaid (Magi Deceddas), tribe, 

140, 144, 148-9, 153, 159. 
Claire, Limerick, 118, 147. 
Clare, Co., 181 ; conquest by Celts, 147. 
Clidna, goddess, 142, 152. 
Cloch Barraige Rock, near Kenmare, 

tradition, 150, 159. 
Crannog, Cork, 179. 

Crawford, H. S., papers by, 64, 65, 68, 

Cronan, St., 9. 

Crosses, 64, 65 ; see Crucifix. 

" Crucifixion, the Earliest Irish Represen- 
tations of," 128-139. 

Crucifix, bronze, 181. 

Corca Loegde or O Driscoll tribe, 145, 

Cork city, crannog, 179 ; tokens, 48-52, 
57-8 ; county, see Mourne Abbey. 

Coshlea, Limerick, notes on barony, &c, 

Coshmagh, Limerick, 178. 

Council, members, 82 ; report of, 81. 


Dagda, the god, 142, 145, and notes. 

Dangan manor, Meath, 170. 

Deis beag, Limerick, 118. 

De Lacy, Hugh, 167. 

Dergthene tribe, Munster, 145-7. 

" Dextera Dei " carving, 67. 

Disert maile tuile, 168. 

Dolmens, 120, 159 ; dwellers in, 85. 

Donn and Tech Duinn, perhaps Dorn 

Buide, 143. 
Donnybrook, Dublin, fireplace, 61. 
Downes, Bishop Dives, at Beare, 155. 
" Down, two centuries of life in (1600, 

1800)," notice, 185 ; tokens, 52. 
Druids, gods altered to, 143. 
Drury, H. C, paper, 46. 
Dublin— St Thomas' Abbey, 167, 168; 

Trinity College, 40 ; see Donnybrook ; 

tokens, 52-56. 
Dunboy, Bearehaven, Cork, 153-6. 
Dundeddy, Cork, 143. 
Duntrileague, Limerick, 119, 123. 




Eadaoin, a goddess, 143. 

Elarius, anchorite, (807), 19. 

Emlygrennan, Limerick, 104. 

Enniscorthy tokens, 55. 

Ernai, or Ivernian, tribes, 115, 147-9 ; 

see also Clanna Degaid. 
Escar, alleged origin and name, 151. 


Fahey, Mgr. Jerome, obituary, 83. 
»« Farthing tokens of Ireland, the later," 

Fellows elected, 73-80, 95, 186. 

Fermanagh, Co.. 183. 

Fermoy, Feara Muige, Cork, 106. 

Fiacha Muillethan, prince, 123-4. 

Forts — ring, 158 ; promontory, 140 ; 

survey, 141 ; building of, in tradition, 


French, E. J., note by, 182. 


Galway tokens, 55, 57. 

Giraldus Cambrensis, 23. 

" Gold ornaments in collection of R. I. 

Academy," book on, reviewed, 184. 
Golf, early, in Ireland, 185. 
Gougaud, Rev Dom Louis, paper, 128. 
Gough, Hugh, Viscount, obituary, 84. 
Gregraige tribe, Beare and Co. Limerick, 



Halpin, W., note by, 181-2. 
Hungry Hill (Knock Deade), Beare, 


Iberus, name in Gaul and Ireland, 1-^0. 
Invasions, predominance in Irish tales, 

Ireland, agriculture, &c, in, 1-18. 


Kerry Co., 65; wasted. 155; tokens, 

56, 58, 59. 
Killaconenagh, Cork, 152, 156. 
Kilcaskin, Cork, 159. 
Kilcatierin, Cork, 143, 154, 156. 
Kinalean district, 167, 171. 
Knockane, Kerry, 65. 
Knockday, see Hungry Hill 
Knocklara, Limerick, 115, 116. 
Knocklong battle, Limerick, 123-4. 


Lachtan, St., 115, 116. 

Lackelly, Limerick, 100. 

Lake, peist in, 156 ; lakes now drained, 

102, 104. 
" Le " in Norman names, 172. 
Leask Harold, elected Secretary, 83 ; 

paper, 24. 
Library, donations to, 91. 
Limerick Co., 99-127, 178 ; tokens, 

56, 58. 
Loch Cre, Tipperary, 19. 
Loch Luinge, Limerick (?), 104. 
" Longinus," figure of, 134. 
Lowry Corry, Lady D , paper, 183. 
Luachair, see Tara Luachra, Luachair 

Fellabair (Vellabori), 152. 
Lug, the god, 143, 146 ; reputed pedigrees 

from, 145. 
Lynch, P. J., paper, 99-127. 
Lyons, Serjeant J., note by, 61. 


Macalister, Professor R. A. S., paper, 160. 
McEnery, M. J. (President), elected 82 ; 

paper, 1-19. 
Macnamara, D. G. V., obituary, 84, 85. 
McNeill, Charles, Secretary, resigns, 82 ; 

paper, 19. 
Maedog, St, 166. 

Mageoghegan, McYoghan, family, 172 ; 

country of, 167. 
Magh Leana, battle, 149 ; site of, 151. 
Malta, prehistoric structure in, lecture,. 


Mangerton, Kerry, 150, 155. 

Measures, Irish standard, 14. 

Meath Co., 63, 64, 174 ; tokens, 52. 

Meetings of Society, 71, 185. 

Members elected, 89, 186. 

" Memento Mori " seal, 182. 

Mile and his race, 143 ; tribal tradition 

rather late, 146n. 
Moghane fort, Clare, find near, 381. 
"Mog Neid" and " Mog Nuadat," 

princes in Munster, 148. 
Molua, St., 21, 115, 116. 
Monaghan, Co., tokens, 58. 
Monaincha, Co. Tipperary, 19-35. 
Monasteranenagh, Limerick, 178. 
Mourne Abbey, Cork, find near, 181. 
Mullony, J. (1761), 67. 
Munster, beginning of tradition in, 149. 


Names of places mistranslated, 143n. 
Navan, Meath, seal of, 179. 
Nevinstown, Meath, cross, 64. 



Newmarket (on Fergus), Clare, 181. 

Newtownards tokens, 58. 

Nia Segamon and his tribe, in Waterford, 

Norsemen, 22. 

Nuada, the god, reputed ancestor of all 
the Munster princes, 145. 

O'Drugan Maelpatrick (1138), 22. 
Ogham inscriptions, 147, 151, 157, 159. 
Oilioll Olam, prince, 112, 145, 151. 
Orpen, Goddard H., paper, 167-177. 
O'Sullivan of Beare, 152 sqq. 


Patrick, St., 125, 155. 

Pedigrees, early, 145-6 ; patchwork, 147. 

" Peer, an Irish, on the Continent," 

notice' of hook, 69. 
Peist, in lake, 156. 
Pillar stones, Beare, 151-8. 
Plans and maps, 25, 99, 113, 120, 141. 
Portalan maps of Cork coast, (1336, 

1450), 152-3. 
Plough, carving of, 67. 
Plunkett, Thomas, obituary, 86. 
Prayer Book (House of Commons), 36. 
President elected, 82. 
Proceedings of Society, 71. 
Promontory forts 4 Beare, Cork, 140. 
Power, Rev (Professor) P., 179-181. 
Psalm Book of waxed tablets, 160. 


Raglan, Lord, 37, 38. 
Rathbaun, souterrain, Meath, 63. 
Report of Council, 81. 
Romanesque, Irish, 26-35. 
Roscommon, Co., 61. 


Sadleir, T. U., book by, 69. 
Samair or Morningstar River, Limerick, 

" Samildanach," strangely parodied 

epithet, 143. 
Scotland, wars in (1244), 3. 
Seal of Navan, 179 ; " memento mori,' 


Seymour, Rev St. John, paper, 39. 
Shipping, in Ireland (1295), 9. 
Siomhna, river and goddess, Kerry, 142. 
Sliabh cain, Limerick, 106. 
Slievereagh Mountain, Limerick, 112. 

Souterrain, 63. 

Springmount bog, Antrim, find, 160. 
Sponge bearer carving, 136. 
Standard of living in Ireland (1337),. 
12, 18. 

Stevenson, John, book by, notice of, 185,. 

Straw head-dresses, 61. 

Strickland, W. G., Secretary, paper, 36. 


Tablets, 160, 166. 

Tadg, son of Cian, tale of, 151. 

Tara Luachra, 109. 

Tate Nahum, laureate, 39. 

Tavern tokens, 68. 

Teate, or Tate family (1624-60), 39 sqq, 
Temair Erann, Limerick, 110. 
Templenalaw, Limerick, 125. 
Tipperary, Co., 19 ; tokens, 58. 
Tokens, 68. 

Tombstones, inscribed, 24. 
Torque, body, 181. 

Traditions, of Cliu, 105, 125, of Beare, 

Tulsk, Roscommon, find of cannon balls, 


" Ulster, Earldom of," 167-178 : tokens,. 


Vastina, Le Wastyn, 173. 
Vegetables cultivated in Ireland, 2. 
Vice-Presidents, elected, 83. 


Wales, wars in (1244-94), 4, 8. 
Wartstone, 182. 
Wastyn, Le, Westmeath, 167. 
Waterford, 59, 60 ; tribal movements in,. 

Waxed tablets, 160. 
Well, Holy, 117. 

Westropp, T. J., paper by, 140 ; note, 

White, H. Bantry, Treasurer, resigns, 

82 ; note by, 61. 
Windele, John, 156-7. 
Windisch, Ernst, obituary, 86-7. 
Wolves, in Munster, 156. 
" Wooden box with leaves indented and 

waxed," 160. 
Wren boys, 61-2. 

Printed by 
53 Upper Sackville Street, Dublin. 

The Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 

This Society, instituted to preserve, examine, and illustrate the Ancient Monuments 
of the History, Language, Arts, Manners and Customs of the past as connected with 
Ireland, was founded as the Kilkenny Archaeological Society in 1849. On 27th December, 
1869, Queen Victoria was graciously pleased to order that it be called The Eoyal 
Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, and was further pleased to 
sanction the adoption of the title of The Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland on 
the 2'5th March, 1890'. The Society was erected into an Incorporated Society by Royal 
Charter in 1912. 

Four General Meetings of the Society are held each year, in Dublin or elsewhere 
in Ireland, at which Papers on Historical and Archaeological subjects are read, Fellows 
and Members elected, objects of Antiquity exhibited, and excursions made to places 
of antiquarian interest. The Council meets monthly in Dublin. Evening Meetings of 
the Society are also' held in Dublin during the Winter. Honorary, Provincial and Local 
Secretaries are appointed, whose duty it is to inform the Secretary of discoveries of 
Antiquarian Remains in their districts, to investigate Local History and Traditions, 
and to give notice of all injury, likely to be inflicted on Monuments of Antiquity and 
Ancient Memorials of the Dead, in order that the influence of the Society may be 
exerted to preserve them. 

The Publications of the Society comprise the Half-yearly Journal and the " Extra 
Volume " Series. The " Antiquarian Handbook " Series was begun in 1895, and seven 
handbooks have been published. 

The Journal, from the year 1849 onwards contains a great mass of information on 
the History and Antiquities of Ireland, with thousands of illustrations. Nearly fifty 
volumes have been issued. ■ 

The following " Extra Volumes," which were supplied free to all Fellows on the 
roll at date of issue, may still be obtained : — 

1874 — " Christian Inscriptions in the Irish Language." Edited by Miss M. 
Stokes. (With Illustrations and Plates.) Two Vols. Cloth, £1 10s. 0d. 

1891— '- The Account Roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity, Dublin, 1337-1346, with 

the Middle-English Moral Play, The Pride of Life." Edited by James 
Mills, m.r.i.a. (With facsimile of original MS.) Cloth, 7s. 6d. 

1892 — " Antiquarian Remains of the Island of Innismurray. By W. F. Wakeman, 

Hon. f.r.s.a. (With Map and 84 Illustrations.) Cloth, 7s. 6d. 
1895 — " The Annals of Clonmacnois," being Annals of Ireland from the earliest 

period to a.d. .1408. Edited by the Rev. Denis Murphy, s.j., ll.d., 

m.r.i.a. In sheets, folded, 7s. 6d. 
1897 — The Register of the Diocese of Dublin in the times of Archbishop Tregury 

and Walton, a.d. 1467-1483." Edited by Henry F. Berry, m.a. Paper, 

10 s. 

1901 — " The Index to the First Nineteen Volumes of the Journal for the years 
1849-1889, inclusive." Complete in Three Parts. Paper, 10s. 6d. 

1908. — " Memorial Slabs of Clonmacnois." By R. A. Stewart Macalister, m.a., 
f.s.a., LiTT.D. (With Illustrations.) Cloth, 10s. 

1915— " Index to the Journal, Vols. XXI. -XL., 1890-1—1910." By General 

Stubbs and William Cotter Stubbs, m.r.i.a. Paper, 10s. 6d.; Cloth, 
126. 6d. 

1916 — " The Gormanston Register." Edited by James> Mills', i.s.o., m.r.i.a., 

and M. J. M'Enery, m.r.i.a. Cloth, 10s. 
1919 — " Southern Fingal; being the sixth part of a History of County Dublin." By 

F. Elrington Ball, litt.d., m.r.i.a. Paper, 12s. 6d. 
The following of the Society's Handbooks and Guides can also be had : 

£ s. d. 

Islands and Coasts of Ireland (in Buckram) 3 6' 

Islands and Coasts of Scotland (in cloth) 1 4 6 

(in paper) 0' 3 1 6 

Antiquities of Limerick and Neighbourhood (in cloth) 4 6 
Isle of Man, Athlone, Belfast Is., or post free 0' 1 3 

Dalkey, Lucan, and Leixlip (in one); Durrow and 

Rahan, King's Co. (in one), 6d. each, post free 9 

Galway, Killarney, West Kerry, Waterford Is., or post free 0' 1 3 


Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 



M. J. McENERY, m.r.i.a. 

Vice= Presidents 

« Leinster. Munster. 

William Cotter Stubbs, m.a., m.r.i.a. I P. J. Lynch, m.r.i.a. 

Rev. J. L. Robinson, m.a., m.r.i.a. G. D. Burtchaell, m.a., ll.b. 

Herbert Wood, b.a., m.r.i.a. H. Bantry White, i.s.o. 

Richard Langrishe. William W. A. Fitzgerald. 

Ulster. Connaught. 

F. Ellington Ball, ll.d. 
D. Carolan Rushe, b.a. 
Charles McNeill. 

H. T. Knox, m.r.i.a. 
T. B. Costello, m.d. 
Sir W T illiam Fry, d.l. 
O'Conor Don. 

Hon. General Secretary 

W. G. Strickland, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

Hon. Treasurer 

E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a., m.r.i.a., 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 


Sir Lucas White King, c.s.i., f.s.a. 

Andrew Robinson, m.v.o. 

John Cooke, m.a., m.r.i.a. 

Miss M. E. Dobbs. 

Mrs. M. A. Hutton. 

P. J. O'Reilly. 

Colonel R. Claude Cane, j.p. 

J. P. Dalton, m.a., m.r.i.a. 

Lord Walter FitzGerald, m.r.i.a. 

T. G. H. Green, m.r.i.a. 

Professor R. A. S. Macalister, litt.d., 


E. J. French, m.a. 
Professor E. Curtis. 
H. S. Crawford. 
H. G. Leask. 

Note. — The names of Vice-Presidents and Council are arranged according to dates of election. 
The names first on the list retire first. 

Past Presidents who are ex=officio Members of Council 

Count Plunkett, k.c.h.s., m.r.i.a. 
Thomas J. Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a 


Miss Cree, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

Keeper of Prints and Photographs 

Thomas J. Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a., 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

Auditors of Accounts (for 1920) 

Robert Nicol. 
William Chamney. 

Hon. Provincial Secretaries, 1920 


Thomas J. Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a., Dublin. 

The Rev. Canon Moore, m.a., 66 Adelaide Road, Dublin. 

The Rev. Canon Lett, m.a., m.r.i.a., Loughbrickland. 

Edward Martyn^ Tulyra Castle, Ardrahan. 
Richard J. Kelly , k.c, j.p., Tuam. 


The Provincial Bank of Ireland, Ltd., 12 St. Stephen's Green, Dublin. 

Printed by John Falconer, 53 Upper Sackville Street, Dublin. 

' 1 > 



JAN 00